Xi Jinping, general secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee, during the 20th group study session of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, emphasized that it is imperative to “comprehensively advance artificial intelligence (AI) innovation in science and technology, industrial development, and application empowerment, improve AI regulatory systems and mechanisms, and firmly maintain the initiative in AI development and governance”. The new generation of large AI models, represented by GPT-5, are expected to be released successively around mid-2025. Unveiling their developmental pathways, assessing the evolution of the inherent power dynamics, and systematically formulating strategies to address future risks are important dimensions to firmly maintain the initiative in both AI development and governance. In terms of development pathways, scaling laws remain valid, and the reasoning, reflection, planning, and autonomous behavioral capacities of large AI models continue to increase rapidly. Regarding power dynamics, technological power is increasingly concentrated in the hands of a few organizations and individuals, while extreme risks that challenge human subjectivity are beginning to emerge. The governance of the new generation of models is increasingly reliant on the models themselves. Practical strategies include effectively promoting the development of this “young” and “youth-oriented” field, building global highlands for scientific and technological innovation and intelligent governance with demonstrative effects, and coordinating relevant legislation and institutional reforms to modernize AI-driven governance. The Artificial Intelligence Law currently under formulation takes large model technology monitoring, risk early warning, and emergency response as its main “entry point” and thematic focus, aiming to address several fundamental issues and propose solutions related to the governance of basic social contradictions and the acceleration of social development momentum.

After Taiwan’s restoration in 1945, the Nationalist government abruptly shifted Taiwan’s administrative system from a “provincial system” to a “special provincial system”. While it is generally believed that this change resulted from the design by the Taiwan Commission of Inquiry led by Chen Yi, newly declassified historical materials reveal that the design suggestions and plans of the Taiwan Commission of Inquiry were more a “result” than a cause, and that the core reason for the shift lay in the change in the American military occupation plan for Taiwan. As a “special provincial system”, the organizational structure of the Office of the Chief Executive of Taiwan Province and the powers granted to the Chief Executive closely resembled those of the “Taiwan Governor’s General Office” during the Japanese colonial period. This resemblance fostered a strong sense of colonial legacy in Taiwan and contributed to the tensions that led to the February 28 Incident. While the implementation of the “special provincial system” in the early post-restoration period in Taiwan was indeed both inevitable and necessary, the unique characteristics of Taiwan, compared to other mainland provinces, determined that this system was temporary and time-bound.

National education refers to the formal patriotic education provided to students from Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan regions studying at mainland universities. An empirical study involving 607 students from these regions across 22 provinces and districts indicates that national education has not yet become a predominant factor in shaping these students’ perceptions of the mainland or their identity formation. In the practice of cultivating and forging the souls of the Chinese nation, national education urgently requires systematic guidance through intergroup contact theory and constructivism. By integrating knowledge with action, the national education model can dissolve stereotypes and prejudices towards the mainland, reshaping the “collective unconscious” and creating a “new common historical memory” among students from Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan regions. In this subtle and imperceptible process, social values can be reconstructed, fostering a comprehensive identification with Chinese history and Chinese and a stronger connection to Chinese cultural identity. The mechanism of constructing the curriculum model, which incorporates knowledge infusion, emotion transmission, experiment witnessing, and active participation in development, allows students from Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan regions to truly understand China and reconstruct their national spiritual homeland.

In the context of the accelerating evolution of digital-intelligent civilization, the traditional paradigm of public decision-making is undergoing systematic deconstruction and reconstruction. The rapid advancement of generative AI has not only reshaped the knowledge production mechanisms underpinning government decision-making but also driven the public governance system to transition from a bureaucratic model to an intelligent paradigm. Generative AI transcends the constraints of “bounded rationality” inherent in traditional decision-making through the dual mechanisms of knowledge emergence and value alignment, thereby establishing a dynamically evolving framework for policy cognition. Research indicates that the decision-making process, undergoing intelligent transformation through the stages of data-driven analysis, algorithmic collaboration, and human-machine verification, compresses the policy response cycle from traditional monthly intervals to real-time responsiveness. This study reveals that institutional innovation is characterized by a technology-governance symbiosis, which facilitates adaptive evolution in human-machine collaboration through flexible regulatory mechanisms and embedded ethical frameworks. It proposes a new paradigm of responsible intelligent decision-making, which synergistically enhances decision-making efficacy, democratic values, and risk control. This framework not only provides a theoretical solution to the governance paradox of technological empowerment versus value disorientation but also, through China’s practice in institutional and technological co-innovation, contributes a novel paradigm of intelligent governance to global digital governance.

Based on the materials collected in recent years, this paper recounts the basic trajectory of activities of the Shanghai Zhi Gong Hall a century ago during its transformation from the hall into a political party, thereby compensating for the previous shortcomings in the study of the history of the establishment of the Zhi Gong Party, which has often been biased towards North America (Huang Sande) and Hong Kong (Chen Jiongming). Based on these findings, it argues that the Shanghai Zhi Gong Hall was one of the “three major cradles” in the history of the founding of the Zhi Gong Party, alongside North America and Hong Kong.

Adhering to, developing, and perfecting China’s new type of political party system, and promoting its institutional development are the prerequisites and foundation for transforming system advantages into system efficiency and enhancing governance efficiency. In the new era, the mechanisms of China’s cooperative party politics and party system have become more mature and standardized. The role of this system in political participation, policy optimization, consensus building, power consolidation, and political stability has demonstrated unique advantages and significant governance efficiency in China’s political life, contributing valuable governance wisdom to the realization of “governance of China”. The political participation mechanism of China’s new type of political party system provides a platform for national governance, the policy optimization mechanism offers a pathway for decision-making optimization in consultative governance, the consensus-building mechanism lays the cognitive foundation for win-win outcomes in national governance, the power consolidation mechanism supplies system strength for the collective effort in national governance, and the political stability mechanism offers crucial protection for the standardization of national governance.

As an important component of China’s high-quality talent pool, returned overseas talents possess advanced global expertise in technology, management, and a broad international perspective. They play a crucial role in enhancing independent innovation capabilities and developing high-tech industries. Additionally, they are an indispensable strategic resource in the process of socialist modernization. However, in recent years, China has faced economic sanctions and technological blockades from the West, which have hindered the development of some high-end and sophisticated industries. In this context, attracting more overseas talents to return, and fully leverage their intellectual advantages to support the implementation of national strategy of reinvigorating China through talents in the new era, thereby realizing China’s international talent dividend, is a crucial issue of immediate concern. Taking the returned overseas talents in Shanghai as a case study, this paper, adopting a mixed-methods approach, combining quantitative and qualitative research, with a particular focus on the application of digital ethnography, examines the primary factors influencing the decision-making process of overseas talents returning to China, from both macro and micro perspectives, considering multiple dimensions. It also assesses the current implementation status of the policies in Shanghai for attracting returned overseas talents and further explores innovative pathways for building Shanghai into a talent hub. The findings aim to provide experience and evidence for China’s construction of major global talent centers and innovation highlands.

The common prosperity in spiritual life is an important dimension in the pursuit of a beautiful and happy life for the Chinese people. It is an essential pathway for the Communist Party of China to guide the broad masses in achieving socialist modernization and a key component of common prosperity in socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era. Based on CiteSpace software, this paper systematically and comprehensively reviews 500 pieces of literature on common prosperity in spiritual life from the China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI) over the past 30 years. The aim is to clarify their research characteristics and scientifically predict future trends. The findings indicate that the research output has increased in response to national policies, with themes focusing on the formation logic, conceptual evolution, constraints, and practical pathways of common prosperity in spiritual life. Future research should further explore its scientific connotation, identify clear pathways for realization, refine subject areas, expand the research scope, and convey Chinese wisdom.

In the development of Chinese modernization, constructing a strategic system for the dissemination of national cultural symbols plays an important role in enhancing the country’s cultural soft power, telling a compelling Chinese story, and presenting a comprehensive, multidimensional, and rich image of China to the world. While China boasts an abundance of cultural symbol resources, several challenges persist in the strategic dissemination of these symbols. These include insufficient overall planning, an imbalance between traditional and contemporary cultural symbols, a lack of compelling storytelling, and misaligned values. Therefore, it is essential to strengthen the top-level design of the strategic dissemination of national cultural symbols in the process of Chinese modernization, promote the involvement of multiple stakeholders in the dissemination process, and shape a comprehensive and multidimensional system of national cultural symbols and national image. Additionally, it is necessary to actively develop a narrative discourse and narrative system for strategic dissemination of these symbols, thereby enhancing the accuracy and effectiveness of strategic dissemination of national cultural symbols.

Sun Yat-sen was not only a prominent democratic revolutionist, but also a great revolutionary theorist. His understanding and explorations of party politics in China evolved in response to changing political situations, rather than remaining static. In the early years of the Republic of China (ROC), Sun idealized a two-party system, but the failure of the ROC politics prompted him to revise this view and explore a theoretical model of “ruling the country by the party”. After numerous setbacks and failed armed uprisings, and influenced by the Soviet Russian Revolution and Leninist ideology, Sun accelerated his thinking on the cooperation between the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Communist Party of China (CPC). He personally reorganized the KMT, establishing the KMT-CPC cooperation that laid the foundation for the subsequent vigorous national revolutionary movements. A comprehensive and systematic analysis of the origins and evolution of Sun Yat-sen’s model of party politics is of great significance for understanding the particularities of the functional forms of party politics in China since modern times and the formation and implementation of the first KMT-CPC cooperation.

Strengthening the construction of united front culture is a key element in implementing Xi Jinping Thought on Culture and reflects a new requirement within this framework. United front culture can be divided into subject culture and relationship culture. In the process of constructing united front culture in Shanghai in the new era, it is essential to manage three key relationships. First, the relationship between united front culture and red culture must be appropriately differentiated to avoid redundancy, omission, or lack of focus. Next, the relationship between united front culture and popular culture requires attention. Efforts should be made to popularize united front culture, integrating it into the daily lives of ordinary people and making it an integral part of popular culture. At the same time, popular culture should also actively respond by highlighting elements of united front culture, realizing a two-way integration. Finally, the relationship between united front culture and cultural united front should also be addressed. Cultural united front work should nurture united front culture, ensuring mutual reinforcement. The cultural united front work of today will serve as a valuable resource for the future development of united front culture.

A bibliometric analysis of studies on whole-process people’s democracy in the CSSCI database from 2019 to 2024 reveals a consistent upward trend in relevant research, with continuous expansion and enrichment of both research teams and thematic content. The academic community has engaged in extensive exploration and discussions of this important concept, examining its theoretical connotations, value implications, institutional safeguards, practical pathways, and comparative advantages. Future research should place greater emphasis on empirical studies, offer in-depth interpretations of the micro-mechanisms underlying whole-process people’s democracy, strengthen interdisciplinary research, adopt diverse research methods, and promote the organic integration of theory and practice, thereby enhancing both the depth and sophistication of research on whole-process people’s democracy.

Adhering to the integration of the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with fine traditional Chinese culture is the fundamental approach to promoting the sinicization and modernization of Marxism. The “two integrates” are inherently an inseparable unified whole. The integration of Marxism with China’s specific realities necessarily requires cultural mediation as its essential pathway. The proposition of the “second integrate” highlights the significance of cultural power. The Communist Party of China (CPC) has always attached great importance to drawing wisdom and nourishment from fine traditional Chinese culture. The CPC is a faithful inheritor and promoter of this culture and has achieved its creative transformation and innovative development. To realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, it is necessary to further seek spiritual strength from the historical culture of the Chinese nation. Xi Jinping Thought on Culture serves as the ideological guide for a new leap in Chinese civilization on this new journey. The “two integrates” provide the theoretical support for this leap forward. The Resolution of the Central Committee of the CPC on Further Deepening Reform Comprehensively to Advance Chinese Modernization (hereinafter referred to as the Resolution), which was deliberated and adopted at the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC, focuses on promoting modernization that coordinates material and spiritual civilizations. It makes special arrangements for cultural development, providing comprehensive guidance and fundamental principles for the construction of a culturally strong nation. Further comprehensively deepening the reform of cultural systems and mechanisms, in accordance with the reform arrangements proposed in the Resolution, serves as the institutional guarantee for effectively leveraging the “two integrates”, the ultimate key to our success

At the end of 1935, Soong Ching-ling, then in Shanghai, was the first to learn of the arrival of the Central Red Army in northern Shaanxi after the Long March through a secret radio. She subsequently helped reestablish contact between the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Party organizations in Shanghai, promoted the formation of the anti-Japanese national united front, and made outstanding contributions to the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. Soong Ching-ling was a steadfast defender of Sun Yat-sen’s political ideals. After Sun Yat sen’s untimely passing, she spent a decade in observation and reflection before decisively breaking away from the Kuomintang, choosing instead to place her trust in and support the CPC. She consistently stood on the side of historical progress, committed to seeking happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Her correct political choice at a critical historical turning point posed a tremendous challenge and test in her life. Her glorious achievements were born of hardship, endurance, and resilient struggle.

On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism, experts including Chen Xixi, Tang Yunyi, Ding Xiaoqiang, Wen Jun, and Xu Jiangang gathered to discuss the spirit of the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China from the aspects of politics, economy, culture, society, and history respectively. Scholars reviewed the evolution of themes from previous Third Plenary Sessions and delved into the connotation of the key term “further” in this session. The plenary session called for enhancing the implementation of institutions and mechanisms of “two unswervinglys”, promoting the spirit of private entrepreneurship in the new era, and stimulating market dynamics through the high-quality development of private enterprises, thereby fostering market prosperity. To implement the requirements of the Third Plenary Session, it is essential to firmly grasp the cultural roots of Shanghai, deeply understand the basic connotations of Shanghai culture, fully highlight the cultural characteristics of Shanghai, and actively reinforce the development momentum of Shanghai culture, thereby creating the best practice ground for Xi Jinping Thought on Culture. We are currently facing unprecedented changes unseen in a century, and only by using a well-established system to prevent and mitigate risks can we effectively respond to the new challenges of social governance. The proposal of the “broad united front” framework not only summarizes the Party’s centennial united front work, but also answers the question of what kind of united front is needed in the new era. The experts have engaged in a multifaceted and multidimensional in-depth discussion on how to promote practical innovation through united front theory innovation.

This paper, aiming to move beyond a holistic understanding of the social security system and national identity, constructing an analytical framework based on type subdivision of national identity and social security systems, conducts an empirical analysis using data from the “2021 China Social Survey” (CSS2021). The findings indicate that the social security satisfaction among contemporary ethnic minority groups in China has a supportive and promoting effect on their rational endorsement of national identity, but does not enhance their emotional attachment to it. The satisfaction of ethnic minority groups with “inclusive social security” has a supportive effect on their national identity, but the satisfaction of ethnic minorities with “relief social security” has no impact on their national identity. These empirical analysis results, to a certain extent, respond to the theoretical debates in the academic community regarding the relationship between social security satisfaction among ethnic minority groups and national identity, thus providing a theoretical reference for targeted implementation of social security policies aimed at ethnic minorities and supporting the cultivation of a sense of national community for the Chinese nation.

The modernization process inevitably involves various risks and challenges. Seeking efficient and applicable models for managing potential risks and dangers, tailored to the characteristics and causes of these threats, is a practical necessity for the smooth advancement of Chinese modernization. As an important component of the national governance system, the united front has unique advantages and plays a significant role in national governance. To prevent and mitigate major potential risks and dangers on the road ahead, it is crucial to leverage the unique advantages and powerful tool of the united front. By relying on the unique advantages of the united front, a work mechanism can be established to proactively address these risks and dangers. By leveraging the extensive connections and access to information of the united front, a sensitive early warning mechanism for potential risks and dangers can be established. By focusing on the strengths of the united front in unity education and political guidance, an effective mechanism for eliminating potential risks and dangers can be constructed. By utilizing the strong inclusiveness and well-established mechanisms of the united front, a unique mechanism for maintaining national security can be created. In the context of comprehensively deepening reform, applying the working concept and methods of the united front, exploring the practical pathways of the united front in preventing and resolving major potential risks and dangers, and effectively enhancing the systemic, holistic, and coordinated nature of the work of the united front will help transform negative factors into positive ones, providing extensive strength and support for the comprehensive advancement of Chinese modernization.

During his work in Fujian, Xi Jinping resolutely implemented the spirit of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and creatively adapted his approach to the actual situation of the region. He proposed a series of important ideas on the united front, mainly including strengthening the united front and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, establishing the concept of “greater overseas Chinese affairs”, advocating for common prosperity and wealth for ethnic minorities, emphasizing the full implementation of the Party’s religious policies, and proposing several significant ideas regarding Taiwan-related work. In practice, he led the united front work under the firm leadership of the Party guided by the concept of a “greater united front”, advanced overseas Chinese affairs with the “greater overseas Chinese affairs” perspective, leveraged the unique advantages of Fujian, and creatively addressed Taiwan-related issues. During his work in Fujian, Xi Jinping’s ideas on united front and the implementation reflected characteristics such as a broad and strategic mindset that combines maintaining central authority with local innovation, an emphasis on investigation and research, a strong sense of responsibility, and a deep affection for the people. Xi Jinping’s important expositions on the united front, developed during his work in Fujian, were deeply rooted in the practice of the united front in Fujian and were highly innovative, and his practice greatly advanced the work of the united front in Fujian.

Examining the intrinsic mechanism by which the united front supports Chinese modernization reveals an objective chain of empowerment logic that goes from “whole-process people’s democracy to the united front, and ultimately to Chinese modernization”. First, governance is the cornerstone of modern social development, and advancing Chinese modernization is inseparable from the five major governance approaches of “selecting capable and virtuous officials”, “safeguarding the interests of the people”, “making wise plans and decisions”, “governing effectively and taking action”, and “correcting deviations in an orderly manner”. Next, the united front serves as a powerful tool for uniting people and gathering strength, playing a significant role in empowering Chinese modernization. By utilizing the “five questions” mechanism, which includes seeking wisdom from the people, understanding their needs, asking for strategies from them, consulting with them on governance, and assessing governance efficiency with them, it empowers each of the five major governance approaches in the field of the united front to advance Chinese modernization. Finally, to further utilize the “five questions” mechanism effectively, the united front must also accumulate energy or be empowered. The whole-process people’s democracy empowers the “five questions” mechanism of the united front in sequence by practicing the “five democracies” work path in the field of the united front, which includes democratic elections, democratic consultations, democratic decision-making, democratic management, and democratic supervision.

Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, youth, as a vital force in the integrated development across the Taiwan Strait, have played an increasingly important role in the development of relations on both sides. A series of favorable policies for Taiwan issued by the Chinese mainland have become an important driving force in guiding and promoting the integrated development of youth on both sides. The widespread use of new media in the practice of youth integration across the Taiwan Strait has also emerged as new characteristics, creating new channels for interaction and collaboration. Currently, the integration of youth in areas such as education, community governance, entrepreneurship and employment, as well as folk customs and culture across the Taiwan Strait, has become an important model for the integrated development of youth on both sides, which has profoundly shaped the direction of youth integration and development on both sides. On this basis, this paper explores the space, problems, and corresponding measures for fostering integrated development among youth across the Taiwan Strait, in order to achieve stability and continuity in the integrated development of youth on both sides, laying a beneficial foundation for strengthening national identity and promoting unification.

The process of Chinese modernization requires a robust institutional system as a foundational guarantee, with its steady and far-reaching progress inevitably depending on a systematic institutional logic for practical support. China’s new type of political party system is an important component of this modernization in the institutional realm. It aligns closely with the value orientation of Chinese modernization: the institutional system demonstrates an authoritative orientation, the operation process shows a democratic orientation, the mode of governance embodies a people-oriented orientation, and the forward direction has a global orientation. In political practice, China’s new type of political party system, through the organic functioning of multi-party cooperation and the political consultation system along with its related institutional mechanisms, provides systematic and robust institutional guarantees for the steady and far-reaching progress of Chinese modernization. China’s new type of political party system drives the steady and profound advancement of Chinese modernization by pooling wisdom and strength for its long-term development, empowering and enhancing efficiency through coordinated efforts, and expanding opportunities for its global orientation.

Since the end of the Cold War, promoting its national strategy by constructing and reinforcing a self-dominated “asymmetric” alliance system became the key component of the U.S. alliance policy. Against the backdrop of comprehensive strategic competition between China and the U.S., Washington has revitalized its alliance with Manila in an attempt to promote the strategy of “using the Philippines to contain China”. The Marcos Jr. administration in the Philippines, motivated by external considerations of “following the U.S. for profit” and internal considerations of “relying on the U.S. for domestic stability”, has participated in the U.S. strategy of “using the Philippines to contain China”. In recent years, new trends have emerged in the execution of this strategy, namely, the formation of the “U.S.-Philippines-plus” mini-multilateral mechanism targeting China, flexible intervention in relevant legal norms concerning South China Sea issues, and an elevation of the level of security cooperation alongside intensified military collaboration in the South China Sea. In response, China needs to assess and counter the U.S. strategy of “using the Philippines to contain China”. From China's own perspective, it is essential to prioritize building its own security capabilities and steadfastly safeguard its core national interests. From the perspective of China-U.S. relations, efforts should focus on strengthening the construction of China-U.S. crisis management mechanisms and exploring new pathways to overcome political differences through economic cooperation. From the perspective of China's relations with ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), China should continue to deepen multilateral cooperation mechanisms with ASEAN, leverage ASEAN's internal mechanisms to restrain the Philippines' tendency to “stir regional tensions with external support”, and actively promote the new practice of Asian security model.

Artificial intelligence (AI) legislation operates within the dual value orientation of ensuring technological safety while promoting innovation. Harmonizing these two objectives is essential for constructing a harmonious and orderly social relationship around AI. Law and technology interact in a “question-response” model, where each asks and answers the other, fostering mutual adaptation. This interaction permeates the entire process of AI application and development. While the current legal system provides a basic framework to interpret and regulate AI, technological advancements have introduced multiple uncertainties regarding legislative needs. In light of the global competition in AI, China’s current AI legislation should not only prioritize innovation, pay appropriate attention to technical security, strengthen “hard law”, and promote “soft law”, but also create a “friendly” legal environment for AI technological innovation, ensuring that the law evolves in tandem with the advancement of AI technology.

The Chinese national community constitutes a multifaceted national entity encompassing politics, economy, culture, society, and geography. In the context of comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese modernization, the promotion of formation of the Chinese national community has a clear civilization dimension. The civilization dimension of formation of the Chinese national community is to integrate and focus on the consciousness of the Chinese national community in the process of building a modern Chinese civilization and creating a new form of human civilization. It involves a comprehensive and collaborative effort across various fields to strengthen the consciousness of the Chinese national community, aiming to build the Chinese national community into an ethnic entity that leads the new form of human civilization. In terms of political civilization, efforts should be made to advance the construction of a new type of political order that unifies the country, thereby laying the political foundation for the unity of the Chinese national community. In terms of material civilization, the practice of Chinese modernization must be promoted, steadily advancing towards common prosperity for all members of the Chinese national community. In terms of spiritual civilization, efforts should be made to promote the construction of modern culture centered on the modernization of individuals, creating new cultural carriers for the Chinese national community. In terms of social civilization, it is necessary to enhance the rationalization of social relations and behaviors among all ethnic groups, establish a modern social norm system, and form a system of behavioral norms that are collectively adhered to by the Chinese nation. In terms of ecological civilization, the focus should be on safeguarding the territorial space that sustain the survival and development of the nation, improving the ecological space for the prosperity of the nation, and ensuring the long-term sustainable development of the entire nation. In terms of symbolic civilization, efforts should be made to advance the construction of the theoretical discourse system for the Chinese national community, strengthen the construction, promotion, and protection of specific symbols of the Chinese national community, and present a beautiful image of the Chinese national community to the world.

New quality productive forces emphasize the role of innovation in driving the development of productive forces, promoting advancements in production relations, industrial clusters, and production efficiency through the integration of high-tech, high-efficiency, and high-quality production factors. Among these, the community of newly returned overseas Chinese, comprising top talents living abroad, overseas high-level talents, and returned overseas students, represents an important innovative production factor. Therefore, attracting talent and wisdom has become a key focus in returned overseas Chinese affairs, particularly in the context of vigorously developing new quality productive forces. Taking the Xinqiao Innovation and Entrepreneurship Park in the G60 Science and Innovation Corridor of the Yangtze River Delta as a case study, this paper analyzes from the perspective of talent attraction theory how group organizations can attract innovative talents, provide human resource services, match supply and demand, and facilitate cross-sector collaboration by establishing new mechanisms, creating new networks, and opening new pathways. The Federation of Returned Overseas Chinese, along with other mass organizations, provides a viable approach to fostering innovation in the “region-city” model, driven by flexible governance that incentivizes innovation and supports policy dissemination.

The Chinese national community, as a state-level ethnic entity, embodies the “unity among people of all ethnic groups”. In the new era, the continuous advancement of the construction of the Chinese national community must inevitably manifest this “unity among people of all ethnic groups”, which entails not only the ongoing promotion of the development and progress of the Chinese nation but also the continuous strengthening of its unity and solidarity. To build the Chinese national community with a “people-centered” approach, it is essential to rally the collective efforts under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, fully activate the subjective consciousness of the people of all ethnic groups, and promote the joint participation of the people of all ethnic groups in the construction of the Chinese national community. Economically, this means achieving common prosperity for all, ensuring shared development benefits. Culturally, it involves fostering a shared spiritual homeland for all ethnic groups, consolidating a collective historical and cultural memory. Socially, it requires promoting co-residence, co-learning, co-working, and co-celebration among all ethnic groups, deepening the relationship of a community with a shared future in which “you are in me, I am in you, and none can thrive without the other”, thereby making the Chinese national community unbreakable.

Promoting in-depth research on the united front theory through holistic and comprehensive concepts is a crucial task for united front studies in the new era, and the proposal of the soft power of united front represents such an attempt. The soft power of united front is a key component of the soft power of the Communist Party of China within the Chinese context, representing the attraction generated through the practice of the united front. The soft power of united front primarily includes the cultural power of the united front, the institutional soft power of the united front, and the policy soft power of the united front. It has the important functions of enhancing social solidarity, strengthening political trust, and elevating the image of the Party and the government. The soft power of the united front, as an overarching concept, carries its own problem awareness and provides new perspectives and resources for advancing discourse innovation and practical exploration of the united front.

The victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression marked a pivotal turning point for the Chinese nation from decline to prosperity, and the starting point for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. China's anti-Japanese battlefield was the main Eastern theater in the World Anti-Fascist War, and China's resistance war made remarkable contributions to the victory of the World Anti-Fascist War. In this life-and-death struggle for survival, the Chinese military and civilians united as one, fought courageously, and achieved victory at tremendous national sacrifices, thereby establishing China's status as a major power in the postwar era. Meanwhile, China assisted in the founding of the United Nations, helped rebuild the postwar international order, safeguarded the rights and interests of weak nations, and earned the respect of countries worldwide. The victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression reshaped the spirit of struggle and resistance of the Chinese nation, forged the new leading force of the nation, and reinforced its backbone. In this process, modern China completed its transformation from “decline” to “ascendancy”, heralding the beginning of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

Against the complex historical backdrop from the failure of the Great Revolution to the eve of the full-scale War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the cultural work of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in the White Areas (Kuomintang-controlled areas) underwent a transformation from scattered practices to organized and systematic work. The establishment of the Central Cultural Committee of the CPC epitomized this transformation. By leading left-wing cultural organizations such as the League of Left-Wing Writers and the General League of Left-Wing Cultural Circles, it effectively consolidated forces from the literary and intellectual circles, closely combined cultural work with the Party's revolutionary strategy, promoted the vigorous development of the left-wing cultural movement, and laid the foundation for the establishment of national united front against Japanese aggression. The practice of the Central Cultural Committee of the CPC not only highlighted the Party's high regard for cultural work but also accumulated invaluable experience for cultural development during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the New Democratic Revolution, profoundly reflecting the Party's early exploration and practice in the construction of cultural leadership.

Since the beginning of the new era, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) has further refined and improved its policies for the private economy. The specialized legislation for the promotion of the private economy signifies a further enhancement of the legal system underpinning China’s socialist market economy. This paper analyzes the development of the “Eight Furthers” policy measures for the private economy policies of the Central Committee of the CPC since the new era, explores the legislative positioning, guiding principles, and key priorities of the Law of the People’s Republic of China on the Promotion of the Private Economy, and offers insights into strengthening and improving the dual mechanism of “from policy to law” in advancing the modernization of the Party’s leadership over the governance system and capacity concerning the private economy.

Memoirs often exhibit distinct writing characteristics shaped by the era in which they were written. In the early years of New China (People's Republic of China), driven by the practical needs of consolidating the nascent regime and shaping the image of revolutionary leaders, recollections of the victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression often framed it as an integral part of the leadership of Communist Party of China in the revolution towards victory. As a result, memories of the war in these memoirs carried a revolutionary narrative. After the reform and opening-up, with the changes of the situation at home and abroad, the narratives of the victory in the War of Resistance in wartime memoirs began to break free from the revolutionary framework and gradually returned to a more rational approach, with the dual characteristics of both the Party and national narratives. By the new century, the genre of memoirs of the War of Resistance has further diversified, with writing perspectives continuously shifting toward ordinary individuals and narratives becoming increasingly varied. Moreover, the political overtones of memories of the victory in the War of Resistance have gradually faded, with increasing emphasis on the details of the victory of the War of Resistance, and the memories of the victory of the War of Resistance have increasingly highlighted the people-centered nature. Memoirs are an important form of presenting memories. After the founding of New China, the writing content and characteristics of memoirs about the memory of the victory in the War of Resistance not only show their production pathways but also reflect the characteristics of the times.

The development of China-ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) stands as a model of cooperation in building a community with a shared future in the neighborhood. The two sides have achieved remarkable success in cooperation across various fields, including economic development, social progress, and regional stability, exemplifying China's diplomacy of good-neighborliness and friendship, providing a benchmark for enhancing partnership and promoting regional development in Asia and the world. To build a China-ASEAN community with a shared future in the neighborhood, it is essential to review their bilateral development. China and ASEAN have enhanced strategic mutual trust through regional consensus of mutual consultation and understanding, deepened traditional friendship with a spirit of solidarity and cooperation, consolidated institutional foundations through mutually beneficial and win-win cooperation, and outlined development directions with the Oriental wisdom of seeking common ground while reserving differences. These measures have not only promoted regional stability but also cultivated a sense of shared future and regional awareness of mutual benefit and prosperity between China and ASEAN. Building such a community with a shared future in the neighborhood is of great significance to China's overall opening-up and cooperation, and has become a top priority for China's foreign cooperation. Further deepening the understanding of the relationship between China and ASEAN also provides a useful attempt to practice and enrich the concept of a community with a shared future in the neighborhood.

The structural transformation of the information society has significantly altered the forms of social solidarity. In the information society, the social structure is becoming more flattened, social interactions more mobile, and social relationships more networked, posing challenges to traditional modes. Specifically, these challenges manifest in three key dimensions: the dilemmas of social shared knowledge caused by the fragmentation of specialized expertise, the digital divide in information access, and the echo-chamber effect in information selection; the dilemmas of social consensus arising from the dissolution of traditional collective consciousness, the fragmentation of interest identification, and the coexistence of diverse values; the lack of empathy due to “physical absence”, the indifference to empathy due to “not being there in person”, and the social empathy dilemmas caused by rapid shift of focus and emotional compartmentalization. Under such circumstances, the united front, as a vital mechanism for solidarity in the information society, should actively fulfill its role in extensively connecting individuals, social groups, social organizations, and social strata, but also vigorously innovate in construction platforms and methods and pathways, strive to broaden social awareness, actively promote social consensus, and make every effort to cohesively build up the social empathy, so as to realize profound social solidarity and integration on a comprehensive scale on the basis of such a mechanism.

Ownership is a core issue in Marxist economic theory, and the common development of various ownership economies represents a concrete manifestation of Sinicization of Marxist ownership theory. Since the reform and opening up, the Communist Party of China has continuously deepened its understanding of Marxist theories on ownership, proposed a series of new perspectives, judgments, and measures to support the common development of various ownership economies, and created China’s globally remarkable economic miracle. In the new era and on the new journey to promote high quality development and advance Chinese modernization, it is essential to uphold and implement the “two unswervinglys” and create an institutional and policy environment conducive to the complementary advantages and common development of various ownership economies.

Robert Short, an American pilot, holds a unique historical position as the first foreign martyr who died for China during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. His heroic death not only generated widespread attention domestically and internationally but also became a significant case study illustrating China's role as the main Eastern battlefield in the Global War against Fascism. Drawing on the theories of the New Cultural History, this paper organizes analysis around three central themes—“Grand Public Funeral,” “Production of Space,” and “Commemoration”—within a broader framework of the“United Front”. It systematically examines Short's martyrdom during the January 28th Incident (Battle of Shanghai) in 1932, delves deeply into the national commemoration he received in China, and explores their underlying political symbolism and social significance. The study shows that despite variations in form—ranging from crowded public funerals, elaborately carved monuments to annual commemorative rituals—all serve as cultural products shaped by political and social forces. As long as the realistic needs remains, the reconstruction of collective memories and the reproduction of symbolic space will persist. Short practiced humanitarianism with his life, and his sacrifice has not only been firmly embedded in China's national memories but also become an indispensable transnational symbol within the broader history of the Chinese People's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression.

Since the first term of Donald Trump, the US has leveraged its advantage in international discourse to actively shape public opinion on the Hong Kong issue, providing a so-called narrative basis for its intervention in Hong Kong affairs. Since Trump took office, the US has adopted international discourse narrative strategies on the Hong Kong issue, relying on think tanks to promote the global dissemination of the concepts of freedom and democracy through the Hong Kong issue, and constructing a cognitive framework at the level of public opinion propaganda. These multi-level strategies aim to influence the policy choices of both the government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Chinese central government by exerting its international discourse power. This paper aims to explore in depth the specific pathways through which the US government employs discourse construction to interfere in Hong Kong affairs. By summarizing the core policy characteristics of the Trump administration (version 1.0) and the Biden administration in handling Hong Kong-related affairs, and conducting a comparative analysis of the similarities and differences in their use of international discourse, it elucidates the distinct international narrative models demonstrated by the two administrations regarding the Hong Kong issue. On this basis, and combined with an analysis of the characteristics of the US international discourse power, it attempts to propose strategies that China can adopt in response to international discourse challenges.

The capacity building of non-CPC (Communist Party of China) parties is a fundamental requirement for the development and improvement of the new type of political party system, as well as an important aspect of the self-construction of these parties in the new era. To correctly understand and grasp the connotation of capacity building of non-CPC parties, it is essential to start by fully understanding and mastering its internal connections and specific requirements. The system composition of the capacity building of non-CPC parties in the new era is determined by the nature and connotation of this capacity building itself. It represents a theoretical and systematic articulation of the nature and connotation of capacity building for non-CPC parties, which holds significant theoretical importance for in-depth research and discussion on this topic. The goals and pathways for capacity building of non-CPC parties focus on how to further enhance the capabilities of these parties through their own capacity development. This not only demonstrates the capacity building of non-CPC parties but also represents the questions that need to be answered and resolved in the self-construction of non-CPC parties in the new era.

The construction of the discourse system of China’s new type of party system is a practical necessity for its development and improvement. Tracing the generative logic of this discourse system from multiple dimensions lays the foundation for further constructing an independent, standardized, systematic, and scientific discourse system of China’s new type of party system. China’s new type of party system has been constructed and shaped by the Communist Party of China (CPC) through a century of practice under the guidance of Marxism, and it serves as the fundamental support of the political system of the country. Marxist theories on party democracy, party coalition, and party development constitute the political foundation of this system. The discourse system of China’s new type of party system is generated from the revolutionary, construction, and reform practices of the CPC.CPC members have articulated discourses on the party system and formulated policies on party relations in response to the political situation and needs of different historical periods. They have evolved from developing party relations into establishing a party system, and they have accomplished the standardized articulation of the discourse on the new type of party system in the new era. China’s new type of party system has grown from the soil of Chinese society, deeply rooted in the rich heritage of fine traditional Chinese culture, and is closely aligned with the political pattern of “great unity”, the inclusive political culture of harmony, and the political goal of serving the common good. The profound practice of Chinese modernization in the new era, advancements in philosophy and social sciences, and the continued improvement of the multi-party cooperation system have contributed new content and momentum to the development of the discourse system of the new type of party system, further enriching and enhancing the discourse system of China’s new type of party system.

The Private Economy Promotion Law serves as the fundamental law for the development of the private economy. Fully understanding the era significance of this legislation is essential for its effective implementation. For the first time, the law affirms the important status of the private economy, thereby setting the overall tone for its sustainable development. It promotes the principles of equality, fairness, integrity, and the rule of law to optimize the environment for the development of the private economy, strengthens the foundation of the rule of law to fully initiate the legalization of work related to the private economy, thus promoting consensus, boosting confidence, and accelerating the rapid, healthy, and high-quality development of the private economy.