Xi Jinping, general secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee, during the 20th group study session of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, emphasized that it is imperative to “comprehensively advance artificial intelligence (AI) innovation in science and technology, industrial development, and application empowerment, improve AI regulatory systems and mechanisms, and firmly maintain the initiative in AI development and governance”. The new generation of large AI models, represented by GPT-5, are expected to be released successively around mid-2025. Unveiling their developmental pathways, assessing the evolution of the inherent power dynamics, and systematically formulating strategies to address future risks are important dimensions to firmly maintain the initiative in both AI development and governance. In terms of development pathways, scaling laws remain valid, and the reasoning, reflection, planning, and autonomous behavioral capacities of large AI models continue to increase rapidly. Regarding power dynamics, technological power is increasingly concentrated in the hands of a few organizations and individuals, while extreme risks that challenge human subjectivity are beginning to emerge. The governance of the new generation of models is increasingly reliant on the models themselves. Practical strategies include effectively promoting the development of this “young” and “youth-oriented” field, building global highlands for scientific and technological innovation and intelligent governance with demonstrative effects, and coordinating relevant legislation and institutional reforms to modernize AI-driven governance. The Artificial Intelligence Law currently under formulation takes large model technology monitoring, risk early warning, and emergency response as its main “entry point” and thematic focus, aiming to address several fundamental issues and propose solutions related to the governance of basic social contradictions and the acceleration of social development momentum.

In the context of the accelerating evolution of digital-intelligent civilization, the traditional paradigm of public decision-making is undergoing systematic deconstruction and reconstruction. The rapid advancement of generative AI has not only reshaped the knowledge production mechanisms underpinning government decision-making but also driven the public governance system to transition from a bureaucratic model to an intelligent paradigm. Generative AI transcends the constraints of “bounded rationality” inherent in traditional decision-making through the dual mechanisms of knowledge emergence and value alignment, thereby establishing a dynamically evolving framework for policy cognition. Research indicates that the decision-making process, undergoing intelligent transformation through the stages of data-driven analysis, algorithmic collaboration, and human-machine verification, compresses the policy response cycle from traditional monthly intervals to real-time responsiveness. This study reveals that institutional innovation is characterized by a technology-governance symbiosis, which facilitates adaptive evolution in human-machine collaboration through flexible regulatory mechanisms and embedded ethical frameworks. It proposes a new paradigm of responsible intelligent decision-making, which synergistically enhances decision-making efficacy, democratic values, and risk control. This framework not only provides a theoretical solution to the governance paradox of technological empowerment versus value disorientation but also, through China’s practice in institutional and technological co-innovation, contributes a novel paradigm of intelligent governance to global digital governance.

Robert Short, an American pilot, holds a unique historical position as the first foreign martyr who died for China during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. His heroic death not only generated widespread attention domestically and internationally but also became a significant case study illustrating China's role as the main Eastern battlefield in the Global War against Fascism. Drawing on the theories of the New Cultural History, this paper organizes analysis around three central themes—“Grand Public Funeral,” “Production of Space,” and “Commemoration”—within a broader framework of the“United Front”. It systematically examines Short's martyrdom during the January 28th Incident (Battle of Shanghai) in 1932, delves deeply into the national commemoration he received in China, and explores their underlying political symbolism and social significance. The study shows that despite variations in form—ranging from crowded public funerals, elaborately carved monuments to annual commemorative rituals—all serve as cultural products shaped by political and social forces. As long as the realistic needs remains, the reconstruction of collective memories and the reproduction of symbolic space will persist. Short practiced humanitarianism with his life, and his sacrifice has not only been firmly embedded in China's national memories but also become an indispensable transnational symbol within the broader history of the Chinese People's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression.

A bibliometric analysis of studies on whole-process people’s democracy in the CSSCI database from 2019 to 2024 reveals a consistent upward trend in relevant research, with continuous expansion and enrichment of both research teams and thematic content. The academic community has engaged in extensive exploration and discussions of this important concept, examining its theoretical connotations, value implications, institutional safeguards, practical pathways, and comparative advantages. Future research should place greater emphasis on empirical studies, offer in-depth interpretations of the micro-mechanisms underlying whole-process people’s democracy, strengthen interdisciplinary research, adopt diverse research methods, and promote the organic integration of theory and practice, thereby enhancing both the depth and sophistication of research on whole-process people’s democracy.

At the end of 1935, Soong Ching-ling, then in Shanghai, was the first to learn of the arrival of the Central Red Army in northern Shaanxi after the Long March through a secret radio. She subsequently helped reestablish contact between the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Party organizations in Shanghai, promoted the formation of the anti-Japanese national united front, and made outstanding contributions to the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. Soong Ching-ling was a steadfast defender of Sun Yat-sen’s political ideals. After Sun Yat sen’s untimely passing, she spent a decade in observation and reflection before decisively breaking away from the Kuomintang, choosing instead to place her trust in and support the CPC. She consistently stood on the side of historical progress, committed to seeking happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Her correct political choice at a critical historical turning point posed a tremendous challenge and test in her life. Her glorious achievements were born of hardship, endurance, and resilient struggle.

Promoting the construction of inter-embedded social structures and community environments among all ethnic groups is a key task for the high-quality development of urban ethnic work in the current era. This paper, closely adhering to General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important statements on “constructing inter-embedded social structures and community environments”, systematically outlines the theoretical framework from the perspectives of core objectives, hierarchical expressions, and value orientation. Moreover, in light of the typical characteristics of megacities and the current context of intelligent transformation in urban governance, it analyzes the intrinsic logic behind constructing such inter-embedded social structures and community environments from multiple dimensions—spatial, cultural, economic, social, and psychological. Furthermore, drawing on the case study materials from the “Home in Shanghai” project, it explores the primary practical pathways for constructing inter-embedded social structures and community environments in megacities under the condition of technological empowerment from three levels of organizational support, educational support, and cultural identity. The aim is to deepen the theoretical research on an inter-embedded social structures and community environments, thereby providing references and insights for innovative practices in urban ethnic work in the AI era.

Since the end of the Cold War, promoting its national strategy by constructing and reinforcing a self-dominated “asymmetric” alliance system became the key component of the U.S. alliance policy. Against the backdrop of comprehensive strategic competition between China and the U.S., Washington has revitalized its alliance with Manila in an attempt to promote the strategy of “using the Philippines to contain China”. The Marcos Jr. administration in the Philippines, motivated by external considerations of “following the U.S. for profit” and internal considerations of “relying on the U.S. for domestic stability”, has participated in the U.S. strategy of “using the Philippines to contain China”. In recent years, new trends have emerged in the execution of this strategy, namely, the formation of the “U.S.-Philippines-plus” mini-multilateral mechanism targeting China, flexible intervention in relevant legal norms concerning South China Sea issues, and an elevation of the level of security cooperation alongside intensified military collaboration in the South China Sea. In response, China needs to assess and counter the U.S. strategy of “using the Philippines to contain China”. From China's own perspective, it is essential to prioritize building its own security capabilities and steadfastly safeguard its core national interests. From the perspective of China-U.S. relations, efforts should focus on strengthening the construction of China-U.S. crisis management mechanisms and exploring new pathways to overcome political differences through economic cooperation. From the perspective of China's relations with ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), China should continue to deepen multilateral cooperation mechanisms with ASEAN, leverage ASEAN's internal mechanisms to restrain the Philippines' tendency to “stir regional tensions with external support”, and actively promote the new practice of Asian security model.

The victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression marked a pivotal turning point for the Chinese nation from decline to prosperity, and the starting point for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. China's anti-Japanese battlefield was the main Eastern theater in the World Anti-Fascist War, and China's resistance war made remarkable contributions to the victory of the World Anti-Fascist War. In this life-and-death struggle for survival, the Chinese military and civilians united as one, fought courageously, and achieved victory at tremendous national sacrifices, thereby establishing China's status as a major power in the postwar era. Meanwhile, China assisted in the founding of the United Nations, helped rebuild the postwar international order, safeguarded the rights and interests of weak nations, and earned the respect of countries worldwide. The victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression reshaped the spirit of struggle and resistance of the Chinese nation, forged the new leading force of the nation, and reinforced its backbone. In this process, modern China completed its transformation from “decline” to “ascendancy”, heralding the beginning of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

The Chinese national community, as a state-level ethnic entity, embodies the “unity among people of all ethnic groups”. In the new era, the continuous advancement of the construction of the Chinese national community must inevitably manifest this “unity among people of all ethnic groups”, which entails not only the ongoing promotion of the development and progress of the Chinese nation but also the continuous strengthening of its unity and solidarity. To build the Chinese national community with a “people-centered” approach, it is essential to rally the collective efforts under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, fully activate the subjective consciousness of the people of all ethnic groups, and promote the joint participation of the people of all ethnic groups in the construction of the Chinese national community. Economically, this means achieving common prosperity for all, ensuring shared development benefits. Culturally, it involves fostering a shared spiritual homeland for all ethnic groups, consolidating a collective historical and cultural memory. Socially, it requires promoting co-residence, co-learning, co-working, and co-celebration among all ethnic groups, deepening the relationship of a community with a shared future in which “you are in me, I am in you, and none can thrive without the other”, thereby making the Chinese national community unbreakable.

Adhering to the integration of the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with fine traditional Chinese culture is the fundamental approach to promoting the sinicization and modernization of Marxism. The “two integrates” are inherently an inseparable unified whole. The integration of Marxism with China’s specific realities necessarily requires cultural mediation as its essential pathway. The proposition of the “second integrate” highlights the significance of cultural power. The Communist Party of China (CPC) has always attached great importance to drawing wisdom and nourishment from fine traditional Chinese culture. The CPC is a faithful inheritor and promoter of this culture and has achieved its creative transformation and innovative development. To realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, it is necessary to further seek spiritual strength from the historical culture of the Chinese nation. Xi Jinping Thought on Culture serves as the ideological guide for a new leap in Chinese civilization on this new journey. The “two integrates” provide the theoretical support for this leap forward. The Resolution of the Central Committee of the CPC on Further Deepening Reform Comprehensively to Advance Chinese Modernization (hereinafter referred to as the Resolution), which was deliberated and adopted at the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC, focuses on promoting modernization that coordinates material and spiritual civilizations. It makes special arrangements for cultural development, providing comprehensive guidance and fundamental principles for the construction of a culturally strong nation. Further comprehensively deepening the reform of cultural systems and mechanisms, in accordance with the reform arrangements proposed in the Resolution, serves as the institutional guarantee for effectively leveraging the “two integrates”, the ultimate key to our success

Memoirs often exhibit distinct writing characteristics shaped by the era in which they were written. In the early years of New China (People's Republic of China), driven by the practical needs of consolidating the nascent regime and shaping the image of revolutionary leaders, recollections of the victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression often framed it as an integral part of the leadership of Communist Party of China in the revolution towards victory. As a result, memories of the war in these memoirs carried a revolutionary narrative. After the reform and opening-up, with the changes of the situation at home and abroad, the narratives of the victory in the War of Resistance in wartime memoirs began to break free from the revolutionary framework and gradually returned to a more rational approach, with the dual characteristics of both the Party and national narratives. By the new century, the genre of memoirs of the War of Resistance has further diversified, with writing perspectives continuously shifting toward ordinary individuals and narratives becoming increasingly varied. Moreover, the political overtones of memories of the victory in the War of Resistance have gradually faded, with increasing emphasis on the details of the victory of the War of Resistance, and the memories of the victory of the War of Resistance have increasingly highlighted the people-centered nature. Memoirs are an important form of presenting memories. After the founding of New China, the writing content and characteristics of memoirs about the memory of the victory in the War of Resistance not only show their production pathways but also reflect the characteristics of the times.

The development of China-ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) stands as a model of cooperation in building a community with a shared future in the neighborhood. The two sides have achieved remarkable success in cooperation across various fields, including economic development, social progress, and regional stability, exemplifying China's diplomacy of good-neighborliness and friendship, providing a benchmark for enhancing partnership and promoting regional development in Asia and the world. To build a China-ASEAN community with a shared future in the neighborhood, it is essential to review their bilateral development. China and ASEAN have enhanced strategic mutual trust through regional consensus of mutual consultation and understanding, deepened traditional friendship with a spirit of solidarity and cooperation, consolidated institutional foundations through mutually beneficial and win-win cooperation, and outlined development directions with the Oriental wisdom of seeking common ground while reserving differences. These measures have not only promoted regional stability but also cultivated a sense of shared future and regional awareness of mutual benefit and prosperity between China and ASEAN. Building such a community with a shared future in the neighborhood is of great significance to China's overall opening-up and cooperation, and has become a top priority for China's foreign cooperation. Further deepening the understanding of the relationship between China and ASEAN also provides a useful attempt to practice and enrich the concept of a community with a shared future in the neighborhood.

Against the complex historical backdrop from the failure of the Great Revolution to the eve of the full-scale War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the cultural work of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in the White Areas (Kuomintang-controlled areas) underwent a transformation from scattered practices to organized and systematic work. The establishment of the Central Cultural Committee of the CPC epitomized this transformation. By leading left-wing cultural organizations such as the League of Left-Wing Writers and the General League of Left-Wing Cultural Circles, it effectively consolidated forces from the literary and intellectual circles, closely combined cultural work with the Party's revolutionary strategy, promoted the vigorous development of the left-wing cultural movement, and laid the foundation for the establishment of national united front against Japanese aggression. The practice of the Central Cultural Committee of the CPC not only highlighted the Party's high regard for cultural work but also accumulated invaluable experience for cultural development during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the New Democratic Revolution, profoundly reflecting the Party's early exploration and practice in the construction of cultural leadership.

Based on the theme of the united front work for the private economy in the new era and in line with the spirit of the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Communist Party of China Central Committee, this paper focuses on the inherent requirements of “unifying people's hearts” in united front work, and systematically expounds the value, connotation, and practical pathway for building the “heart-unifying project” in the united front work for the private economy in the new era. First, this paper demonstrates the significant value of building the “heart-unifying project” from three perspectives: “the inevitable requirements of major politics,” “the inherent requirements of the magic weapon characteristics,” and “the practical requirements of the united front work in the private economy”. Second, it constructs a closed-loop “six heart” framework centered on “unifying hearts” as the core objective, “boosting confidence” as the primary task, “warming people's hearts” as the fundamental approach, “cultivating integrity” as the guiding principle, “showing sincerity” as the basic requirement, and “inspiring enthusiasm” as the ultimate test. It further analyzes the core components and internal logic of this “six-heart” framework. Finally, it dialectically explores six key relationships that must be properly handled when advancing the “heart-unifying project” in practice: integrating the united front with Party building; balancing trust and unity with service, guidance, and education; harmonizing common ground with differences and unity with struggle; aligning immediate goals with long-term vision; combining practical work with theoretical exploration; and coordinating collective efforts with departmental responsibilities. The aim is to provide a theoretical explanation for constructing a systematic and scientific framework for the united front work in the private economy.

The Private Economy Promotion Law serves as the fundamental law for the development of the private economy. Fully understanding the era significance of this legislation is essential for its effective implementation. For the first time, the law affirms the important status of the private economy, thereby setting the overall tone for its sustainable development. It promotes the principles of equality, fairness, integrity, and the rule of law to optimize the environment for the development of the private economy, strengthens the foundation of the rule of law to fully initiate the legalization of work related to the private economy, thus promoting consensus, boosting confidence, and accelerating the rapid, healthy, and high-quality development of the private economy.

Since the beginning of the new era, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) has further refined and improved its policies for the private economy. The specialized legislation for the promotion of the private economy signifies a further enhancement of the legal system underpinning China’s socialist market economy. This paper analyzes the development of the “Eight Furthers” policy measures for the private economy policies of the Central Committee of the CPC since the new era, explores the legislative positioning, guiding principles, and key priorities of the Law of the People’s Republic of China on the Promotion of the Private Economy, and offers insights into strengthening and improving the dual mechanism of “from policy to law” in advancing the modernization of the Party’s leadership over the governance system and capacity concerning the private economy.

The China Zhi Gong Party, as the earliest established and the only democratic party founded overseas in China, will commemorate its 100th anniversary in October 2025. By briefly reviewing the China Zhi Gong Party’s century-long development and key turning points, especially its role as a key participant, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China in founding the new democratic state and realizing people’s ownership of the country, and later as a key component of the system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation, this paper argues that the China Zhi Gong Party’s century-long experience shaped by its unique historical memory and political practice confirms the historical inevitability of China’s new-type political party system and demonstrates the system’s distinctive contributions across different historical periods in uniting social consensus, rallying broad forces, facilitating scientific and democratic decision-making, advancing socioeconomic development, and safeguarding social unity and stability, thereby providing empirical support and theoretical insights for further upholding and improving China’s new-type political party system and for promoting the scientific development of multiparty cooperation.

Promoting in-depth research on the united front theory through holistic and comprehensive concepts is a crucial task for united front studies in the new era, and the proposal of the soft power of united front represents such an attempt. The soft power of united front is a key component of the soft power of the Communist Party of China within the Chinese context, representing the attraction generated through the practice of the united front. The soft power of united front primarily includes the cultural power of the united front, the institutional soft power of the united front, and the policy soft power of the united front. It has the important functions of enhancing social solidarity, strengthening political trust, and elevating the image of the Party and the government. The soft power of the united front, as an overarching concept, carries its own problem awareness and provides new perspectives and resources for advancing discourse innovation and practical exploration of the united front.

Religion, as an existence intrinsically intertwined with culture, must be guided to align with socialist development. Advancing its Sinicization is an indispensable and crucial component in building a modern civilization of the Chinese nation. The “second integration” is not only the summary of the relationship of Communist Party of China between Marxism and excellent Chinese traditional culture, but also an inevitable pathway to promote the Sinicization of religions in China and to build Chinese modernization that coordinates material civilization and spiritual civilization. From the perspective of the “two integrations”, exploring the Sinicization of religion in China through the three dimensions of historical logic, theoretical logic, and practical logic not only helps forge a strong sense of the Chinese national community but also holds practical significance for understanding the relationship between religion and culture, developing the Marxist view of religion, and further advancing Chinese modernization.

The structural transformation of the information society has significantly altered the forms of social solidarity. In the information society, the social structure is becoming more flattened, social interactions more mobile, and social relationships more networked, posing challenges to traditional modes. Specifically, these challenges manifest in three key dimensions: the dilemmas of social shared knowledge caused by the fragmentation of specialized expertise, the digital divide in information access, and the echo-chamber effect in information selection; the dilemmas of social consensus arising from the dissolution of traditional collective consciousness, the fragmentation of interest identification, and the coexistence of diverse values; the lack of empathy due to “physical absence”, the indifference to empathy due to “not being there in person”, and the social empathy dilemmas caused by rapid shift of focus and emotional compartmentalization. Under such circumstances, the united front, as a vital mechanism for solidarity in the information society, should actively fulfill its role in extensively connecting individuals, social groups, social organizations, and social strata, but also vigorously innovate in construction platforms and methods and pathways, strive to broaden social awareness, actively promote social consensus, and make every effort to cohesively build up the social empathy, so as to realize profound social solidarity and integration on a comprehensive scale on the basis of such a mechanism.

In the process of Chinese-style modernization, the social, political and economic dimensions are increasingly demonstrating features of modernity. The emergence and development of new social strata have endowed China’s social strata structure with distinct features of modernity. Meanwhile, the formation of these new social strata and evolution of the social strata structure signify not only changes in the sociological distribution of population groups but also carry profound political significance. From the perspective of political development, the emergence of new social strata offers a fresh angle for the evolution of China’s new-type political party system. Furthermore, these groups have become strategic subjects in advancing the whole-process people’s democracy, playing an active role in promoting democratic development and maintaining social stability.

Since the first term of Donald Trump, the US has leveraged its advantage in international discourse to actively shape public opinion on the Hong Kong issue, providing a so-called narrative basis for its intervention in Hong Kong affairs. Since Trump took office, the US has adopted international discourse narrative strategies on the Hong Kong issue, relying on think tanks to promote the global dissemination of the concepts of freedom and democracy through the Hong Kong issue, and constructing a cognitive framework at the level of public opinion propaganda. These multi-level strategies aim to influence the policy choices of both the government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Chinese central government by exerting its international discourse power. This paper aims to explore in depth the specific pathways through which the US government employs discourse construction to interfere in Hong Kong affairs. By summarizing the core policy characteristics of the Trump administration (version 1.0) and the Biden administration in handling Hong Kong-related affairs, and conducting a comparative analysis of the similarities and differences in their use of international discourse, it elucidates the distinct international narrative models demonstrated by the two administrations regarding the Hong Kong issue. On this basis, and combined with an analysis of the characteristics of the US international discourse power, it attempts to propose strategies that China can adopt in response to international discourse challenges.

The 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) has profoundly elaborated on the theory of Chinese modernization, yielding significant innovative achievements. Promoting Chinese modernization is a great initiative of the Party to unite and lead the Chinese people in upholding independence and autonomy, which constitutes the fundamental key to the success of Chinese modernization. The intrinsic relationship between Chinese modernization and independence and autonomy embodies the theoretical logic of integrating the fundamental principles of Marxism with China's specific realities and its excellent traditional culture. Upholding independence and autonomy has permeated through the entire historical practice of the CPC, and remains a crucial instrument for ensuring the vitality of the Party's foundation. Expanding the scope and depth of Chinese modernization presents new requirements for upholding independence and autonomy, further demonstrating the characteristics of Chinese modernization with a large population size, common prosperity for all people, the coordinated development of material and spiritual civilizations, harmonious coexistence between humanity and nature, and the pursuit of a pathway of peaceful development. To follow the essential requirements of Chinese modernization, it is imperative to always uphold independence and autonomy.

The construction of the discourse system of China’s new type of party system is a practical necessity for its development and improvement. Tracing the generative logic of this discourse system from multiple dimensions lays the foundation for further constructing an independent, standardized, systematic, and scientific discourse system of China’s new type of party system. China’s new type of party system has been constructed and shaped by the Communist Party of China (CPC) through a century of practice under the guidance of Marxism, and it serves as the fundamental support of the political system of the country. Marxist theories on party democracy, party coalition, and party development constitute the political foundation of this system. The discourse system of China’s new type of party system is generated from the revolutionary, construction, and reform practices of the CPC.CPC members have articulated discourses on the party system and formulated policies on party relations in response to the political situation and needs of different historical periods. They have evolved from developing party relations into establishing a party system, and they have accomplished the standardized articulation of the discourse on the new type of party system in the new era. China’s new type of party system has grown from the soil of Chinese society, deeply rooted in the rich heritage of fine traditional Chinese culture, and is closely aligned with the political pattern of “great unity”, the inclusive political culture of harmony, and the political goal of serving the common good. The profound practice of Chinese modernization in the new era, advancements in philosophy and social sciences, and the continued improvement of the multi-party cooperation system have contributed new content and momentum to the development of the discourse system of the new type of party system, further enriching and enhancing the discourse system of China’s new type of party system.

In 1948, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) issued the “May 1st Slogan”, proposing the convening of a new Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and establishment of a democratic coalition government. Zhang Yuanji, a renowned publisher, educator, and collector, was a respected patriotic democrat whom the CPC actively sought to win over. Through his contact, communication, and interactions with the CPC, Zhang’s perception of the CPC underwent a transformation, from doubt and cautious observation, to careful consideration, and ultimately to recognition, support, and endorsement. Before the liberation of Shanghai, he refused to cooperate with the Kuomintang government. In the early days after Shanghai’s liberation, having gained a deeper understanding of the CPC and envisioned hope for China’s future, he gradually strengthened his cooperation with the CPC. Regarding the invitation to attend the CPPCC, after repeated efforts by the CPC to persuade him, Zhang moved from initial polite refusal and hesitation to ultimately deciding to travel north to attend the conference, where he actively offered suggestions and proposals during the conference. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Zhang closely collaborated with the CPC, fully supporting and endorsing its leadership. The transformation of Zhang’s perception of the CPC reflects the broader trajectory of many patriotic democrats who, before and after the founding of the People’s Republic of China, gradually came to recognize, accept, and support the CPC.

The textual evolution of the text from the Organic Law of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), the predecessor of the CPPCC Charter, to the current Charter of the CPPCC highlights the inherent alignment between the CPPCC and the advancement of Chinese modernization. Both the evolution of the theme of the Charter of the CPPCC and the mission and tasks of the CPPCC as stated in the Charter reflect that the CPPCC, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, has consistently been an important force in advancing the historical process of Chinese modernization. On the new journey in the new era, the CPPCC is capable of widely rallying people’s hearts, building consensus, and gathering wisdom and strength, thereby possessing significant political advantages.

Since the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thoughts on advancing the Party’s united front work in the new era have been continuously enriched, developed, and refined through practice, requiring comprehensive study, in-depth research, and systematic implementation. A Study Guide to General Secretary Xi Jinping’s Important Thoughts on Advancing the Party’s United Front Work in the New Era (hereinafter referred to as A Study Guide), compiled under the organization of the United Front Work Department of the CPC Central Committee, focuses on systematization and theoretical elaboration, integrating the important thoughts into the Party’s innovative theoretical framework and systematically expounding, from 12 key perspectives, the logic behind their formation, their core essence, and the practical requirements for improving the overall pattern of united front work, and further enhancing the holistic and systematic interpretation of the Party’s innovative theories. It stands as a landmark achievement in guiding officials and the general public to comprehensively, systematically, and thoroughly study the fundamental guidelines for united front work in the new era.

It is an objective fact that both sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to one China. Since the restoration of Taiwan in 1945, cross-strait relations have experienced numerous twists and turns, especially after the separation of Taiwan in the late1940s, an issue that has remained unresolved for decades. Throughout this period, several core issues have remained unavoidable in cross-strait relations: the principle of one China, the concept of the Chinese nation, the pursuit of national reunification, the promotion of exchanges and integration, the opposition to “Taiwan independence”, and the resistance to external interference. Regarding these issues, cross-strait relations have taken on a complex appearance interwoven with both consensuses and differences. Over the past 80 years, cross-strait relations have experienced several phases: a period of governance adjustment, a struggle for legitimacy, a competition between political systems, a phase of division and anti-secession struggle, a phase of peaceful development, and a period of confrontation between “Taiwan independence” and “Anti-independence”. The cross-strait relations are characterized by the following features: stability in Chinese mainland's policy toward Taiwan; uncertainty in Taiwan authorities' stance on cross-strait relations; a shift in the main contradictions of cross-strait relations from domestic issues such as class confrontations and party conflicts, to the contradictions between “Taiwan independence” and “anti-independence”, and between interference and counter -interference, showing an obvious trend of “de-internalization” the unilateral undermining of basic consensuses such as both sides belonging to one China, being part of the same Chinese nation, and expanding cross-strait exchanges and cooperation; and the prominent involvement of external forces in Taiwan Strait affairs. At present, both sides of the Taiwan Strait should focus on addressing the main contradictions, recognize the fact that both belong to one China, promote understanding through exchanges, foster mutual trust through cooperation, and enhance a shared identity through integration, thus pooling collective strength toward the goal of national rejuvenation.

In the digital-intelligent era, digital technologies represented by generative artificial intelligence (AI) are becoming deeply integrated into the modernization of ethnic work governance. These technologies provide technical support for the discourse construction of the sense of community for the Chinese nation in terms of content generation, public opinion dissemination, and interactive participation. However, while generative AI enhances the effectiveness of this discourse construction, it also brings potential risks such as challenges to the security of discourse carriers, threats to the integrity of discourse content, and the dilution of agency among discursive subjects. Ethnic work requires targeted establishment of systematic risk response mechanisms. To address these issues, ethnic work must develop targeted and systematic risk response mechanisms, which involves adhering to value orientation, promoting human-AI collaboration, and fostering innovative governance approaches. It is essential to continuously enhance the guiding power, creativity, and control of the discourse surrounding the sense of community for the Chinese nation, thereby achieving integrity and innovation in reinforcing the sense of community for the Chinese nation.

Establishing a clear and persuasive discourse on reunification of the two sides of the Taiwan Strait and dispelling the doubts of the people in Taiwan and certain foreign countries about reunification are crucial tasks in promoting the peaceful reunification of the two sides of the Strait at present. However, this effort should not be limited to passive explanation, but should instead actively demonstrate the new progressive values embodied in the principle of “peaceful reunification and one country, two systems”, thereby achieving ideological guidance over those who harbor doubts. From the perspective of institutional design, the “one country, two systems” framework inherently embodies the value of fostering dialogue, mutual respect, and mutual learning between two different economic and political systems. From the perspective of institutional practice, it reflects an ethical spirit of mutual responsibility between the central government and the Hong Kong and Macao regions, which represents a transcendence of Western politics centered solely on rights. From the perspective of policy practices, it fully demonstrates the special care and preferential treatment granted by the central government toward Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan regions, which represents a concrete practice of benevolent governance. The values of mutual accommodation and learning, ethical responsibility, and benevolent governance embodied in “one country, two systems” not only contribute to safeguarding national unity and ensuring the long-term stability in the Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan regions, but also hold global significance. They help promote the establishment of a more just and equitable international order and offer distinctive Chinese wisdom and feasible institutional solutions for building a community with a shared future for humanity, characterized by mutual dependence, harmony in diversity, and shared prosperity.

Under the profound infiltration of technological rationality, artificial intelligence (AI) is subverting the traditional rational framework of public decision-making and the power structures it relies upon in its own distinctive way. Consequently, the ethical foundations of decision-making are gradually weakening, and accountability is becoming increasingly blurred. The ethical legitimacy and value reconstruction of public governance have thus become the core issues of this transformation. Focusing on the tension between algorithmic rationality and public value, this paper explores the complex mechanisms of their interweaving and mutual coupling. Unlike the topological structure, their interaction is not singular or linear, but dynamically intertwined, filled with unforeseen risks and profound inherent conflicts. This paper argues that the AI-constructed responsibility system resembles a fragmented mirror—one that must be skillfully and urgently repaired through sophisticated institutional design to prevent latent nonlinear risks. It points out that decision-makers should transcend their traditional role as mere technical executors and instead assume the new responsibility of boundary weavers, capable of integrating ethical, technical, and institutional dimensions. Only in this way can the intellectual governance pathway for institutional resilience be revealed, and a more adaptive ethical co-governance framework be established. Through this framework, the value coordination and responsibility reconstruction of the governance system can be achieved, ultimately enabling the ethical and technical aspects of the decision-making process to complement each other and fostering a public governance mechanism of greater value for the times. This is not merely a technical adjustment but a re-coding of civilization's genes.

The private economy is an important component of the socialist market economy. The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) made an important decision to formulate a law to promote the private economy. This legislation represents a key measure to implement the CPC Central Committee’s policy directives on the development of the private economy and to advance its high-quality development. This paper, grounded in the development practice of China’s private economy, systematically reviews the exploratory achievements of legislation aimed at promoting the private economy and analyzes the implementation of “a set of legislative concepts”, namely, the essence of Xi Jinping’s important discourses on the development of the private economy. The legislation should adhere to the “three basic logics”: the legal logic of promoting the development of the private economy as prescribed in the Constitution and the Civil Code, the political logic grounded in the CPC and the report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC, and the practical logic shaped by the current state of China’s private economic and social development. This paper further proposes that, to enhance the development of the private economy, the legislation should align “three collaborative arrangements”: coordination between legislation, the judiciary, and enterprises.

The Fourth National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) was an important party congress convened one year after the establishment of the first cooperation between the Kuomintang (KMT) and the CPC, at a time when various contradictions and struggles within and outside the united front were becoming increasingly evident. With the formation of the united front and the launch of the National Revolution, policy issues that had not reached consensus during the Third National Congress of the CPC gradually came to light, particularly the intensifying power struggles between the KMT and the CPC and the sharpening ideological divisions inside the CPC itself. Faced with numerous contradictions and disputes, the Fourth National Congress of the CPC further discussed the Party’s guidelines and policies on the united front, and for the first time explicitly proposed two major theoretical issues: the leadership of the proletariat in the democratic revolution, and the importance of the worker-peasant alliance. These developments not only advanced the CPC-led democratic revolutionary struggle in practice, but also developed the strategies and ideology of the united front of the CPC. Even today, the theoretical achievements of the Fourth National Congress of the CPC regarding the united front remain of great significance and continue to provide valuable insights for the development of the united front in the new era.

Micro-short dramas have emerged as both a new increment and a novel media in the security governance of digital ideology. This paper, focusing on the information ecology dimensions of ideological risks arising from micro-short dramas, and based on the theoretical framework of information ecology, clarifies the ecological factors contributing to digital ideological risks in this format. Integrating theoretical models, it analyzes risk factors from four dimensions: information subject, information technology, information ontology, and information environment. Specifically, the demands of information subjects generate the driving force behind value alienation; technological colonization in micro-short dramas hinders emotional alignment with mainstream emotional ideology; narrative distortion in content weakens the cohesion of mainstream values; and a complex ecosystem obstructs the capacity to manage digital ideological risks. In response, efforts should be made to promote the construction of a digital content ecosystem in micro-short dramas rooted in mainstream ideology by strengthening policy support and improving a governance structure underpinned by resilient security, deepening technological innovation and establishing a symbiotic model guided by the principle of technology for good, restructuring the content ecology to reinforce content governance based on mainstream values, and enhancing subject cultivation to uphold value identity guided by human-centric logic. Together, these efforts aim to establish a secure and value-oriented digital ideological ecosystem for micro-short dramas.

Enhancing the financial resilience of private enterprises is a crucial measure for safeguarding national financial security and promoting high-quality economic development. Against the dual backdrop of rising global economic uncertainties and the deepening of domestic economic transformation, the insufficient financial resilience of private enterprises has not only become a key bottleneck restricting stable operation and sustainable development, but may also evolve into a potential threat to financial security. From a theoretical perspective, resource-based theory reveals that the accumulation of financial resources is the material prerequisite for enhancing financial resilience; dynamic capability theory clarifies that the iteration upgrading of financial capabilities is the core engine for resilience improvement; and credit rationing theory emphasizes that the refinement of the credit system is a key breakthrough in addressing financing difficulties and strengthening the resilience foundation of private enterprises. These three theories together constitute a theoretical framework for analyzing the enhancement of financial resilience in private enterprises. From a practical standpoint, private enterprises face practical constraints such as insufficient accumulation of internal financial resources, lack of dynamic financial capabilities, and an imperfect credit system. Efforts should be made synergistically in three dimensions: strengthening the internal foundation of enterprises, deepening financial system reform, and enhancing policy coordination and safeguards. This will help explore practical pathways to improve their financial resilience, thereby supporting the stability of the financial system and promoting high-quality economic development.

This paper proposes the theoretical proposition of “jade-transfiguration imagination” in order to summarize a traditional Chinese version of metaverse, namely, the unique virtual model embodied in the “mythical China”. In the pluralistic yet unified evolution of Chinese civilization, jade was progressively transformed from a natural object to a “hierophany”, forming a unique, millennia-long tradition of jade worship unmatched by any other civilization. Propelled by the ideology of “jade cult”, the circulation of material goods along the “jade-silk route” symbolized the magnificent developmental trajectory of Chinese civilization. The “jade-transfiguration imagination” thus establishes the core values of Chinese civilization: a cosmology, view of life, and value system that regard jade as heavenly, as the medium of immortality, and as the embodiment of supreme value. The theoretical exploration undertaken by the school of literary anthropology surrounding this proposition holds significance in three key aspects. First, it deepens the understanding of “jade” as a cultural gene crucial to the construction of Chinese ideology and the development of civilization. Next, it provides new conceptual tools and perspectives for contemporary cultural exchanges and mutual learning between Chinese and the Western cultures. Finally, based on indigenous materials, indigenous issues, and indigenous discourse, it initiates a movement of re-cognition of Chinese culture, thereby charting a new course for Chinese cultural self-awareness and the construction of an autonomous Chinese knowledge system.

This paper takes the 80-year (1945-2025) practice of the China Association for Promoting Democracy (CAPD) as its research object and proposes that “institutional consciousness” and “cultural identity” constitute the key concepts for understanding the political logic of “listening, following, and advancing” (i.e., listening to the Party, following the Party, and advancing along the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics). The evolution from “institutional identification” in historical choices to “institutional consciousness” in the new era, and the progression from traditional “family-nation cultural identity” to an inclusive “modernized cultural identity”, collectively form the logical starting point and driving force behind the political actions of the CAPD. This transformative process not only provides a vivid case study for understanding China's new-type political party system, but also demonstrates the unique mission and responsibility of participating political parties in the process of Chinese modernization.

Choosing to follow the Communist Party of China (CPC) was the most significant historic decision made by the Chinese Peasants’ and Workers’ Democratic Party (CPWDP) concerning its own future and destiny after its establishment. The ideological foundations and organizational mission, and the changing domestic and international social environment in the early years of the CPWDP were key factors influencing this historic choice. From its founding in Shanghai in 1930, with a distinct anti-imperialist and anti-feudal stance, to its eventual alignment and cooperation with the CPC, and finally to its resolute and unwavering decision to follow the CPC, the CPWDP has maintained a historical continuity in its political stance through arduous explorations. This historic decision and its evolution are underpinned by profound historical logic, political party logic, and institutional logic. Reviewing the 95-year glorious history of the CPWDP and exploring and the logic behind this historic choice and its evolution holds significant practical importance, especially for deepening the theme of political succession in the new era, and for strengthening self-construction in accordance with the high standards expected of a non-CPC participating party in socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Grounded in Marxist theory and drawing upon theories of social capital, government process, and institutional change, this paper proposes a four-dimensional interactive mechanism through which the united front promotes the formation and development of new type of production relations via “relationship networks-institutional formation-power reconstruction-value transmission”. In the stages of initiation, diffusion, consolidation, and risk control during the construction of new type of production relations, the united front respectively plays the roles of innovation triggering, institutional coordination, systemic integration, and negative feedback regulation. By activating social capital, optimizing government processes, promoting institutional change, and reshaping shared value consensus, the united front has created a “safe experimental zone” for institutional innovation, deciphers the mystery of reform stability, expands the actor network in institutional change theory, and reconstructs the value transmission mechanism in government process theory, thereby facilitating the construction of new type of production relations. Ultimately, this provides a new pathway for understanding the formation of new type of production relations aligned with the development of new quality productive forces.