Promoting the construction of inter-embedded social structures and community environments among all ethnic groups is a key task for the high-quality development of urban ethnic work in the current era. This paper, closely adhering to General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important statements on “constructing inter-embedded social structures and community environments”, systematically outlines the theoretical framework from the perspectives of core objectives, hierarchical expressions, and value orientation. Moreover, in light of the typical characteristics of megacities and the current context of intelligent transformation in urban governance, it analyzes the intrinsic logic behind constructing such inter-embedded social structures and community environments from multiple dimensions—spatial, cultural, economic, social, and psychological. Furthermore, drawing on the case study materials from the “Home in Shanghai” project, it explores the primary practical pathways for constructing inter-embedded social structures and community environments in megacities under the condition of technological empowerment from three levels of organizational support, educational support, and cultural identity. The aim is to deepen the theoretical research on an inter-embedded social structures and community environments, thereby providing references and insights for innovative practices in urban ethnic work in the AI era.

Based on the theme of the united front work for the private economy in the new era and in line with the spirit of the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Communist Party of China Central Committee, this paper focuses on the inherent requirements of “unifying people's hearts” in united front work, and systematically expounds the value, connotation, and practical pathway for building the “heart-unifying project” in the united front work for the private economy in the new era. First, this paper demonstrates the significant value of building the “heart-unifying project” from three perspectives: “the inevitable requirements of major politics,” “the inherent requirements of the magic weapon characteristics,” and “the practical requirements of the united front work in the private economy”. Second, it constructs a closed-loop “six heart” framework centered on “unifying hearts” as the core objective, “boosting confidence” as the primary task, “warming people's hearts” as the fundamental approach, “cultivating integrity” as the guiding principle, “showing sincerity” as the basic requirement, and “inspiring enthusiasm” as the ultimate test. It further analyzes the core components and internal logic of this “six-heart” framework. Finally, it dialectically explores six key relationships that must be properly handled when advancing the “heart-unifying project” in practice: integrating the united front with Party building; balancing trust and unity with service, guidance, and education; harmonizing common ground with differences and unity with struggle; aligning immediate goals with long-term vision; combining practical work with theoretical exploration; and coordinating collective efforts with departmental responsibilities. The aim is to provide a theoretical explanation for constructing a systematic and scientific framework for the united front work in the private economy.

Political alliances formed by different political forces due to shared interests, have existed throughout political practice from ancient times to the present. During the Three Kingdoms period, various political forces employed strategies and methods of forming political alliances to varying degrees to achieve their respective goals. In terms of typology, political alliances during the Three Kingdoms period can be divided into external and internal political alliances. Major external alliances of this era included the coalition against Dong Zhuo, the Sun-Liu alliance, and the Sun-Cao alliance, among which, the Sun-Liu alliance stood out as the most classic, longest-lasting, and most influential of that period. Internal political alliances, on the other hand, primarily refer to those formed and implemented within the territories under the control of the Cao Wei, Shu Han, and Eastern Wu regimes during their establishment and development, with the aim of maintaining and consolidating political power. The internal political alliances of the Three Kingdoms period were largely focused on talent management. Various strategies were adopted to attract and utilize talent, such as Cao Wei’s policy of appointing people based solely on their ability, Shu Han’s approach of Shu people governing Shu, and Eastern Wu’s inclusive philosophy of embracing talents from all quarters, all of which proved effective. The practice of political alliances during the Three Kingdoms period has left valuable experiences and lessons for later generations.

In the process of Chinese-style modernization, the social, political and economic dimensions are increasingly demonstrating features of modernity. The emergence and development of new social strata have endowed China’s social strata structure with distinct features of modernity. Meanwhile, the formation of these new social strata and evolution of the social strata structure signify not only changes in the sociological distribution of population groups but also carry profound political significance. From the perspective of political development, the emergence of new social strata offers a fresh angle for the evolution of China’s new-type political party system. Furthermore, these groups have become strategic subjects in advancing the whole-process people’s democracy, playing an active role in promoting democratic development and maintaining social stability.

It is an objective fact that both sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to one China. Since the restoration of Taiwan in 1945, cross-strait relations have experienced numerous twists and turns, especially after the separation of Taiwan in the late1940s, an issue that has remained unresolved for decades. Throughout this period, several core issues have remained unavoidable in cross-strait relations: the principle of one China, the concept of the Chinese nation, the pursuit of national reunification, the promotion of exchanges and integration, the opposition to “Taiwan independence”, and the resistance to external interference. Regarding these issues, cross-strait relations have taken on a complex appearance interwoven with both consensuses and differences. Over the past 80 years, cross-strait relations have experienced several phases: a period of governance adjustment, a struggle for legitimacy, a competition between political systems, a phase of division and anti-secession struggle, a phase of peaceful development, and a period of confrontation between “Taiwan independence” and “Anti-independence”. The cross-strait relations are characterized by the following features: stability in Chinese mainland's policy toward Taiwan; uncertainty in Taiwan authorities' stance on cross-strait relations; a shift in the main contradictions of cross-strait relations from domestic issues such as class confrontations and party conflicts, to the contradictions between “Taiwan independence” and “anti-independence”, and between interference and counter -interference, showing an obvious trend of “de-internalization” the unilateral undermining of basic consensuses such as both sides belonging to one China, being part of the same Chinese nation, and expanding cross-strait exchanges and cooperation; and the prominent involvement of external forces in Taiwan Strait affairs. At present, both sides of the Taiwan Strait should focus on addressing the main contradictions, recognize the fact that both belong to one China, promote understanding through exchanges, foster mutual trust through cooperation, and enhance a shared identity through integration, thus pooling collective strength toward the goal of national rejuvenation.

The China Zhi Gong Party, as the earliest established and the only democratic party founded overseas in China, will commemorate its 100th anniversary in October 2025. By briefly reviewing the China Zhi Gong Party’s century-long development and key turning points, especially its role as a key participant, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China in founding the new democratic state and realizing people’s ownership of the country, and later as a key component of the system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation, this paper argues that the China Zhi Gong Party’s century-long experience shaped by its unique historical memory and political practice confirms the historical inevitability of China’s new-type political party system and demonstrates the system’s distinctive contributions across different historical periods in uniting social consensus, rallying broad forces, facilitating scientific and democratic decision-making, advancing socioeconomic development, and safeguarding social unity and stability, thereby providing empirical support and theoretical insights for further upholding and improving China’s new-type political party system and for promoting the scientific development of multiparty cooperation.

In the digital-intelligent era, digital technologies represented by generative artificial intelligence (AI) are becoming deeply integrated into the modernization of ethnic work governance. These technologies provide technical support for the discourse construction of the sense of community for the Chinese nation in terms of content generation, public opinion dissemination, and interactive participation. However, while generative AI enhances the effectiveness of this discourse construction, it also brings potential risks such as challenges to the security of discourse carriers, threats to the integrity of discourse content, and the dilution of agency among discursive subjects. Ethnic work requires targeted establishment of systematic risk response mechanisms. To address these issues, ethnic work must develop targeted and systematic risk response mechanisms, which involves adhering to value orientation, promoting human-AI collaboration, and fostering innovative governance approaches. It is essential to continuously enhance the guiding power, creativity, and control of the discourse surrounding the sense of community for the Chinese nation, thereby achieving integrity and innovation in reinforcing the sense of community for the Chinese nation.

Micro-short dramas have emerged as both a new increment and a novel media in the security governance of digital ideology. This paper, focusing on the information ecology dimensions of ideological risks arising from micro-short dramas, and based on the theoretical framework of information ecology, clarifies the ecological factors contributing to digital ideological risks in this format. Integrating theoretical models, it analyzes risk factors from four dimensions: information subject, information technology, information ontology, and information environment. Specifically, the demands of information subjects generate the driving force behind value alienation; technological colonization in micro-short dramas hinders emotional alignment with mainstream emotional ideology; narrative distortion in content weakens the cohesion of mainstream values; and a complex ecosystem obstructs the capacity to manage digital ideological risks. In response, efforts should be made to promote the construction of a digital content ecosystem in micro-short dramas rooted in mainstream ideology by strengthening policy support and improving a governance structure underpinned by resilient security, deepening technological innovation and establishing a symbiotic model guided by the principle of technology for good, restructuring the content ecology to reinforce content governance based on mainstream values, and enhancing subject cultivation to uphold value identity guided by human-centric logic. Together, these efforts aim to establish a secure and value-oriented digital ideological ecosystem for micro-short dramas.

Since the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thoughts on advancing the Party’s united front work in the new era have been continuously enriched, developed, and refined through practice, requiring comprehensive study, in-depth research, and systematic implementation. A Study Guide to General Secretary Xi Jinping’s Important Thoughts on Advancing the Party’s United Front Work in the New Era (hereinafter referred to as A Study Guide), compiled under the organization of the United Front Work Department of the CPC Central Committee, focuses on systematization and theoretical elaboration, integrating the important thoughts into the Party’s innovative theoretical framework and systematically expounding, from 12 key perspectives, the logic behind their formation, their core essence, and the practical requirements for improving the overall pattern of united front work, and further enhancing the holistic and systematic interpretation of the Party’s innovative theories. It stands as a landmark achievement in guiding officials and the general public to comprehensively, systematically, and thoroughly study the fundamental guidelines for united front work in the new era.

In 1948, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) issued the “May 1st Slogan”, proposing the convening of a new Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and establishment of a democratic coalition government. Zhang Yuanji, a renowned publisher, educator, and collector, was a respected patriotic democrat whom the CPC actively sought to win over. Through his contact, communication, and interactions with the CPC, Zhang’s perception of the CPC underwent a transformation, from doubt and cautious observation, to careful consideration, and ultimately to recognition, support, and endorsement. Before the liberation of Shanghai, he refused to cooperate with the Kuomintang government. In the early days after Shanghai’s liberation, having gained a deeper understanding of the CPC and envisioned hope for China’s future, he gradually strengthened his cooperation with the CPC. Regarding the invitation to attend the CPPCC, after repeated efforts by the CPC to persuade him, Zhang moved from initial polite refusal and hesitation to ultimately deciding to travel north to attend the conference, where he actively offered suggestions and proposals during the conference. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Zhang closely collaborated with the CPC, fully supporting and endorsing its leadership. The transformation of Zhang’s perception of the CPC reflects the broader trajectory of many patriotic democrats who, before and after the founding of the People’s Republic of China, gradually came to recognize, accept, and support the CPC.

Under the profound infiltration of technological rationality, artificial intelligence (AI) is subverting the traditional rational framework of public decision-making and the power structures it relies upon in its own distinctive way. Consequently, the ethical foundations of decision-making are gradually weakening, and accountability is becoming increasingly blurred. The ethical legitimacy and value reconstruction of public governance have thus become the core issues of this transformation. Focusing on the tension between algorithmic rationality and public value, this paper explores the complex mechanisms of their interweaving and mutual coupling. Unlike the topological structure, their interaction is not singular or linear, but dynamically intertwined, filled with unforeseen risks and profound inherent conflicts. This paper argues that the AI-constructed responsibility system resembles a fragmented mirror—one that must be skillfully and urgently repaired through sophisticated institutional design to prevent latent nonlinear risks. It points out that decision-makers should transcend their traditional role as mere technical executors and instead assume the new responsibility of boundary weavers, capable of integrating ethical, technical, and institutional dimensions. Only in this way can the intellectual governance pathway for institutional resilience be revealed, and a more adaptive ethical co-governance framework be established. Through this framework, the value coordination and responsibility reconstruction of the governance system can be achieved, ultimately enabling the ethical and technical aspects of the decision-making process to complement each other and fostering a public governance mechanism of greater value for the times. This is not merely a technical adjustment but a re-coding of civilization's genes.

Enhancing the financial resilience of private enterprises is a crucial measure for safeguarding national financial security and promoting high-quality economic development. Against the dual backdrop of rising global economic uncertainties and the deepening of domestic economic transformation, the insufficient financial resilience of private enterprises has not only become a key bottleneck restricting stable operation and sustainable development, but may also evolve into a potential threat to financial security. From a theoretical perspective, resource-based theory reveals that the accumulation of financial resources is the material prerequisite for enhancing financial resilience; dynamic capability theory clarifies that the iteration upgrading of financial capabilities is the core engine for resilience improvement; and credit rationing theory emphasizes that the refinement of the credit system is a key breakthrough in addressing financing difficulties and strengthening the resilience foundation of private enterprises. These three theories together constitute a theoretical framework for analyzing the enhancement of financial resilience in private enterprises. From a practical standpoint, private enterprises face practical constraints such as insufficient accumulation of internal financial resources, lack of dynamic financial capabilities, and an imperfect credit system. Efforts should be made synergistically in three dimensions: strengthening the internal foundation of enterprises, deepening financial system reform, and enhancing policy coordination and safeguards. This will help explore practical pathways to improve their financial resilience, thereby supporting the stability of the financial system and promoting high-quality economic development.

The large-scale application of contemporary algorithm-driven artificial intelligence (AI) technologies in the domains of social governance, public life, and private life has significantly expanded human capacity to control material objects, greatly improved the efficiency of public governance, enhanced material well-being in people’s lives, and reshaped their perceptions, cognitive frameworks, and behavioral attitudes toward public life. However, due to its technical characteristics, and the diverse forms of risks arising from algorithmic technologies, including security and ethical risks, intelligent algorithmic systems have transcended their narrow mechanical functions and instrumentalist nature, increasingly evolving into a constitutive and pervasive form of power, often referred to as “algorithmic power” which influences and even permeates social governance organizations, public life, and private life through intelligent technologies. This new form of power, built on the technological foundation of automated algorithmic decision-making systems and combined with other power mechanisms, embeds deeply into social structures and exerts a profound influence on social governance, public interactions, and individual spiritual life. In the formation of various manifestations of algorithmic power, the widespread application of algorithmic decision-making systems in the embedded human-machine interface poses entirely new challenges to the ways of thinking and coping of traditional applied ethics, and has created pressing issues that require ethical reflection and regulation. The ethics of algorithmic decision-making for algorithmic power hence carries two important tasks: conceptually defining algorithmic power, reflecting on the ethicality and public nature of algorithmic decision-making, and clarifying its characteristics; and formulating and defending an ethical framework for governance of algorithmic power, determining the moral boundaries for the application of algorithmic decision-making systems, and providing a moral impetus for algorithmic governance through ethical regulation and guidance.

This paper proposes the theoretical proposition of “jade-transfiguration imagination” in order to summarize a traditional Chinese version of metaverse, namely, the unique virtual model embodied in the “mythical China”. In the pluralistic yet unified evolution of Chinese civilization, jade was progressively transformed from a natural object to a “hierophany”, forming a unique, millennia-long tradition of jade worship unmatched by any other civilization. Propelled by the ideology of “jade cult”, the circulation of material goods along the “jade-silk route” symbolized the magnificent developmental trajectory of Chinese civilization. The “jade-transfiguration imagination” thus establishes the core values of Chinese civilization: a cosmology, view of life, and value system that regard jade as heavenly, as the medium of immortality, and as the embodiment of supreme value. The theoretical exploration undertaken by the school of literary anthropology surrounding this proposition holds significance in three key aspects. First, it deepens the understanding of “jade” as a cultural gene crucial to the construction of Chinese ideology and the development of civilization. Next, it provides new conceptual tools and perspectives for contemporary cultural exchanges and mutual learning between Chinese and the Western cultures. Finally, based on indigenous materials, indigenous issues, and indigenous discourse, it initiates a movement of re-cognition of Chinese culture, thereby charting a new course for Chinese cultural self-awareness and the construction of an autonomous Chinese knowledge system.

As a new economic form arising from the deep integration of a new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation, the intelligent economy is fundamentally characterized by the systemic reconstruction of production modes and the logic of economic operations through the triadic integration of “data-algorithms-computing power”. Based on the theory of the techno-economic paradigms, an in-depth analysis of the intrinsic attributes of the intelligent economy reveals that its essence lies in driving a fundamental shift in economic operations from a factor-driven and human-machine substitution paradigm to one characterized by intelligent collaboration and endogenous evolution. The study indicates that while China has preliminarily established a framework for its intelligent economy, structural shortcomings remain in areas such as meta-technology innovation capabilities, deep industrial integration, governance mechanism adaptation , and participation in global rule-making. These deficiencies not only constrain the depth and breadth of technological applications but also impact the systemic efficiency and sustainability of economic operations. To address these issues, this study proposes a set of systematic pathways: strengthening breakthroughs in meta-technologies to solidify the foundation of innovation, deepening the full-scenario integration of “artificial intelligence plus (AI+)” to unleash industrial momentum, building a secure and controllable intelligent governance system to mitigate systemic risks, and advancing high-level institutional openness to expand international cooperation. These pathways aim to provide theoretical support and practical insights for the high-quality development of the intelligent economy with Chinese characteristics.

Establishing a clear and persuasive discourse on reunification of the two sides of the Taiwan Strait and dispelling the doubts of the people in Taiwan and certain foreign countries about reunification are crucial tasks in promoting the peaceful reunification of the two sides of the Strait at present. However, this effort should not be limited to passive explanation, but should instead actively demonstrate the new progressive values embodied in the principle of “peaceful reunification and one country, two systems”, thereby achieving ideological guidance over those who harbor doubts. From the perspective of institutional design, the “one country, two systems” framework inherently embodies the value of fostering dialogue, mutual respect, and mutual learning between two different economic and political systems. From the perspective of institutional practice, it reflects an ethical spirit of mutual responsibility between the central government and the Hong Kong and Macao regions, which represents a transcendence of Western politics centered solely on rights. From the perspective of policy practices, it fully demonstrates the special care and preferential treatment granted by the central government toward Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan regions, which represents a concrete practice of benevolent governance. The values of mutual accommodation and learning, ethical responsibility, and benevolent governance embodied in “one country, two systems” not only contribute to safeguarding national unity and ensuring the long-term stability in the Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan regions, but also hold global significance. They help promote the establishment of a more just and equitable international order and offer distinctive Chinese wisdom and feasible institutional solutions for building a community with a shared future for humanity, characterized by mutual dependence, harmony in diversity, and shared prosperity.

Choosing to follow the Communist Party of China (CPC) was the most significant historic decision made by the Chinese Peasants’ and Workers’ Democratic Party (CPWDP) concerning its own future and destiny after its establishment. The ideological foundations and organizational mission, and the changing domestic and international social environment in the early years of the CPWDP were key factors influencing this historic choice. From its founding in Shanghai in 1930, with a distinct anti-imperialist and anti-feudal stance, to its eventual alignment and cooperation with the CPC, and finally to its resolute and unwavering decision to follow the CPC, the CPWDP has maintained a historical continuity in its political stance through arduous explorations. This historic decision and its evolution are underpinned by profound historical logic, political party logic, and institutional logic. Reviewing the 95-year glorious history of the CPWDP and exploring and the logic behind this historic choice and its evolution holds significant practical importance, especially for deepening the theme of political succession in the new era, and for strengthening self-construction in accordance with the high standards expected of a non-CPC participating party in socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Grounded in Marxist theory and drawing upon theories of social capital, government process, and institutional change, this paper proposes a four-dimensional interactive mechanism through which the united front promotes the formation and development of new type of production relations via “relationship networks-institutional formation-power reconstruction-value transmission”. In the stages of initiation, diffusion, consolidation, and risk control during the construction of new type of production relations, the united front respectively plays the roles of innovation triggering, institutional coordination, systemic integration, and negative feedback regulation. By activating social capital, optimizing government processes, promoting institutional change, and reshaping shared value consensus, the united front has created a “safe experimental zone” for institutional innovation, deciphers the mystery of reform stability, expands the actor network in institutional change theory, and reconstructs the value transmission mechanism in government process theory, thereby facilitating the construction of new type of production relations. Ultimately, this provides a new pathway for understanding the formation of new type of production relations aligned with the development of new quality productive forces.

The Fourth National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) was an important party congress convened one year after the establishment of the first cooperation between the Kuomintang (KMT) and the CPC, at a time when various contradictions and struggles within and outside the united front were becoming increasingly evident. With the formation of the united front and the launch of the National Revolution, policy issues that had not reached consensus during the Third National Congress of the CPC gradually came to light, particularly the intensifying power struggles between the KMT and the CPC and the sharpening ideological divisions inside the CPC itself. Faced with numerous contradictions and disputes, the Fourth National Congress of the CPC further discussed the Party’s guidelines and policies on the united front, and for the first time explicitly proposed two major theoretical issues: the leadership of the proletariat in the democratic revolution, and the importance of the worker-peasant alliance. These developments not only advanced the CPC-led democratic revolutionary struggle in practice, but also developed the strategies and ideology of the united front of the CPC. Even today, the theoretical achievements of the Fourth National Congress of the CPC regarding the united front remain of great significance and continue to provide valuable insights for the development of the united front in the new era.

Shanghai is regarded as the birthplace and a significant practice site of the united front policy of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Unearthing, preserving, and rationally utilizing the historical and cultural resources formed during the Party's leadership of the united front in Shanghai can enrich the cultural foundation for “telling the story of the united front well and conducting patriotic education.” However, these spatial resources and cultural spirit have not been genuinely integrated into urban life during practical application. Aimed at enhancing the vitality of cultural heritage and the efficiency of revitalization, and supported by urban data, this paper focuses on the main issues in the preservation and utilization of the historical and cultural resources of the united front in the central urban districts of Shanghai, with the aim of proposing optimized strategies and pathways that can contribute a theoretical foundation and innovative direction for improving the system for preserving and utilizing united front resources.

This paper takes the 80-year (1945-2025) practice of the China Association for Promoting Democracy (CAPD) as its research object and proposes that “institutional consciousness” and “cultural identity” constitute the key concepts for understanding the political logic of “listening, following, and advancing” (i.e., listening to the Party, following the Party, and advancing along the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics). The evolution from “institutional identification” in historical choices to “institutional consciousness” in the new era, and the progression from traditional “family-nation cultural identity” to an inclusive “modernized cultural identity”, collectively form the logical starting point and driving force behind the political actions of the CAPD. This transformative process not only provides a vivid case study for understanding China's new-type political party system, but also demonstrates the unique mission and responsibility of participating political parties in the process of Chinese modernization.

Amid the new wave of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation, artificial intelligence (AI) has emerged as the “core battlefield” of competition among major powers. The United States is seeking to build an AI hegemony system through a multi-pronged strategy of “deregulation, massive investment, and technological blockade”, in an attempt to secure absolute global dominance in the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Faced with the U.S. strategy of escalating containment from “decoupling” to comprehensive “disengagement”, China must abandon the traditional path of “following and imitating”, adopt an asymmetric competition strategy, and construct a “self-centered” AI industrial ecosystem. Currently, China has formed the world’s second-largest industrial-scale cluster, holding leading positions in cutting-edge fields such as embodied intelligence, low-altitude economy, and autonomous driving. It possesses two unique advantages: a super-sized market and a comprehensive industrial system. Nevertheless, challenges remain, including limitations in core technologies and a vulnerable industrial ecosystem. It is therefore recommended to accelerate the establishment of a globally leading AI industrial ecosystem by building a fully integrated social system encompassing intelligent production, intelligent circulation, and intelligent consumption, thereby unleashing the advantages of market scale; to implement a systematic strategy integrating hard-core technologies, resilient architectures, and diversified pathways to forge highly reliable industrial and supply chains; to build highlands for application scenarios and optimize regional layouts, using scenario-based innovation to drive technological iteration; and to improve the industrial environment and foster an open framework that balances innovation-driven development with security governance, so as to gain the initiative in global competition.

With digital technologies deeply integrated into various aspects of national governance and achieving remarkable performance, there is a solid institutional, technological, and social foundation for embedding artificial intelligence (AI) in rural environmental governance. Studies show that AI-empowered rural environmental governance follows a triple operational logic: empowering governance tools to streamline the technical chain of rural environmental governance, empowering governance actors to enhance the resilience of rural environmental governance structures, and empowering governance culture to stimulate the endogenous motivation of rural environmental governance. However, the digital-intelligent transformation of rural environmental governance faces numerous practical bottlenecks, highlighting the underlying fragilities of such governance. For instance, decision-making dependence exacerbates the adaptive fragility of governance systems, digital divide leads to foundational fragility within the governance framework, technological risks cause reliability fragility in governance mechanisms, and institutional lag creates normative fragility in the governance structures. Therefore, within the context of further advancing the construction of a harmonious and beautiful countryside, and from the perspective of resilient governance, potential solutions can be explored through “updating governance concepts to enhance structural resilience”, “balancing digital capacities to improve technical resilience”, “strengthening ethical rules to shape social resilience”, and “perfecting institutional systems to build institutional resilience”.

Different ethnic groups are not only indispensable carriers of the emergence and evolution of various civilizations, but also fundamental units of human life-worlds and systems of meaning. They exist based on the dynamic practices of human beings, and therefore, both ethnic groups and the civilizations they carry are fluid across time and space—exhibiting both continuity and adaptability. This paper attempts to transcend the ethnic narrative of “center-periphery” in geographical space, and focuses on the dynamic “cultural boundaries” in the sense of “civilization order”. From the perspective of civilizational interaction, it focuses on the Hui ethnic group emerged through the fusion and integration of Islamic civilization and Chinese civilization. By examining the formation process of the Hui ethnic group, the logic of its cultural practices, and the fluidity of its boundary narratives, it aims to use this specific case to elucidate the boundary mobility of the seamless coexistence and mutual permeability between Chinese civilization and Islamic civilization within the Hui ethnic group. Accordingly, it emphasizes the concern for the branching ties and active integration practices of the ethnic groups interaction across civilizations with the Chinese nation and Chinese civilization in terms of social and cultural order, and eliminate the essentialist and conflictual views on ethnicity and civilization, so as to elucidate the openness, inclusiveness, and integrative capacity of Chinese civilization through cross-civilizational mutual learning, as well as its significance in promoting peaceful dialogue among civilizations of mankind.

China's new-type political party system is a significant manifestation of socialist political civilization with Chinese characteristics and a key institutional foundation supporting Chinese modernization. Taking the 80-year practice of the China National Democratic Construction Association (CNDCA) as a research subject, this paper systematically explores the intrinsic connection between the new-type political party system and Chinese modernization. It examines the historical evolution of the CNDCA and its distinctive role in the formation of the new-type political party system, and seeks to reveal the inherent logic between the new-type political party system and Chinese modernization from the perspective of 80 years of CNDCA practice. The research indicates that China's new-type political party system, with its unique structural functions and operational mechanisms, provides essential institutional guarantee and a practical field for Chinese modernization. The core positioning of participating political parties in the interaction between the new-type political party system and modernization is that of participants in institutional improvement, facilitators of the modernization process, and coordinators of interest relations, thereby promoting healthy interaction between the two. As a participating political party with close ties to the economic sector, the CNDCA has made irreplaceable contributions to China's modernization process over its 80-year development through fulfilling its roles in political consultation, democratic supervision, and participation in the deliberation and administration of state affairs.

The united front is a major strategy and an important science of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Over more than a century since the CPC creatively proposed the united front policy, the reason why the united front with Chinese characteristics has demonstrated its remarkable efficacy and enduring vitality is ultimately closely related to the CPC's high regard for theoretical innovation and practical breakthroughs in the united front. During the century-long development of the CPC's united front, Li Dazhao made significant contributions to its origins and formation, holding a prominent place as a pioneer in history. Currently, reviewing and studying Li Dazhao and the origins and formation of the CPC's united front is conducive to advancing the scholarly, disciplinary, and systematic development of the Party's united front as an independent discipline. This effort also helps maximize the role of the united front as a crucial instrument, gathering immense strength for the goal of building a strong nation and achieving the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

The concept of “participating political parties in socialism with Chinese characteristics” is the result of the Communist Party of China (CPC)’s continuously deepening understanding of the nature, status, and role of non-CPC parties in the long-term practice of the system of multiparty cooperation. It objectively describes and accurately determines the socialist political party nature of non-CPC parties in China’s contemporary political system, reveals their structural essence inherent in the new type of political party system, and contains rich contemporary connotations. Analyzed from the perspective of structural dimension, the concept of participating political parties in socialism with Chinese characteristics embodies a threefold progressively layered logic: political parties with Chinese characteristics, participating political parties with Chinese characteristics, and participating political parties in socialism with Chinese characteristics. This concept involves a threefold structure regarding inter-party relations, the positioning of the nature of the party, and the institutional framework, corresponding respectively to the relationship between non-CPC parties and the CPC, the nature and organizational mission of non-CPC parties, and their status and role of non-CPC parties within the framework of the new type of political party system. The formation of this concept reflects the evolutionary trajectory and historical foundation of the non-CPC parties.

By converting neural signals from the brain into commands capable of controlling external devices, brain-computer interface (BCI) technology enables humans to translate thought into action. When the realization of an intentions and the generation of action no longer rely entirely on the perception-action loop of the body, but instead emerge collaboratively within a dynamic coupling system composed of both bodily structures and technological systems, critical questions arise: Can the mind still be bounded by the body? What should be the object of governance, and where should interventions occur? Exploring these questions not only responds to core concerns in philosophy of mind, philosophy of action, and philosophy of artificial intelligence but also addresses the urgent necessity for establishing an integrated governance logic of “reason-value-responsibility”. Insights from phenomenology regarding body image and body schema help reveal the extent to which and the manner in which BCI technology reconstructs the embodied foundation of the agent. Governance in the era of BCIs should not rely on abstract declarations of rights or post-event accountability. Instead, it should take the reconstruction of the agent’s embodiment as a premise, reconsidering the responsible agents, the scope of rules, and the domains of governance. Only by anchoring governance within the dynamic generative structure of the agent’s mind and actions can the reasons for action be justified, and norms gain explanatory power and binding force in practice.

China’s International Communication Strategy Community is a cross-entity collaborative system oriented toward enhancing global governance participation. In the face of the profound reconstruction of the global information ecosystem, China’s international communication needs to enhance synergistic efficiency between shaping international agendas and deploying strategic communication initiatives. Currently, insufficient collaboration among cross-sphere communication entities, relatively weak agenda-setting capabilities, and inadequate integration of intelligent communication technologies have emerged as critical bottlenecks limiting the enhancement of the effectiveness of international communication. The construction of an international communication strategy community centers on shared values and follows a pathway of strategic collaboration. By integrating four key modules: cross-entity collaboration, precise and efficient channel collaboration, dynamically adaptive content collaboration, and goal-oriented evaluation and feedback, an international communication system is established, which will transform China’s international communication capability into a driving force for enhancing its participation in global governance.

General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thoughts on effectively carrying out the Party’s united front work in the new era not only provide a scientific summary of the century-long practical experience of the united front under the leadership of the Party but also represent an inheritance and development of the Marxist theory on the united front, vividly demonstrating the profound depth of fine traditional Chinese culture. Among them, the theories on the essence, core, framework, and governing laws of united front work are a profound embodiment of the civilizational patterns characterized by “benevolence, virtue, harmony, and compliance”, “the doctrine of the mean”, and “unity in diversity”, and they are also imbued with the distinct genes of fine traditional Chinese culture, exemplified by the principle of “investigating things to acquire knowledge”. From the perspective of cultural heritage, a deep study and comprehension of Xi Jinping’s important thoughts on effectively carrying out the Party’ s united front work in the new era, coupled with drawing wisdom from fine traditional Chinese culture, holds immense theoretical and practical value for advancing the Party’s united front work in the new era.

The concept of “harmony and integration” embodies the wisdom of self-fulfillment and the fulfillment of all things, which characterizes traditional Chinese ways of understanding and mastering the myriad phenomena of the universe and human society. “Harmony and integration” (often abbreviated as “harmony”), as a hallmark concept or philosophy in traditional Chinese culture, reflects the distinctive spirit of moderation or doctrine of the mean inherent in traditional Chinese thought. From the perspective of ancient Chinese philosophy and political thinking, attaining moderation results in “three” (a harmonious state that transcends mere balance); failing to attain it results in “two” (a stagnant duality of opposition). From the perspective of the traditional Chinese philosophy of harmony and integration, the practice of “applying moderation” and “achieving harmony” is thus termed “the art of three and two”. Philosophically and epistemologically, this approach manifests in a rejection of one-sided extremes, guarding against the peril of bias, and in an embrace of balancing dualities through the third, harmonizing element, thereby realizing the harmony intrinsic to the doctrine of the mean. In the realm of politics and statecraft, this idea is manifested as a traditional Chinese governance approach characterized by utilizing collective wisdom, integrating diverse groups, and benefiting all people, that is, employing diverse methods of governance without partiality and administering public affairs without regional constraints. Ultimately, it aims to pool collective wisdom, harness communal strength, and accomplish shared societal objectives.

Since its founding, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has stubbornly adhered to a “Taiwan independence” separatist stance and maintained a separatist ideology, severely undermining the peaceful development of cross-strait relations. An examination of the evolution of its “Taiwan independence” discourse shows that it has generally undergone three stages. The first stage was the “independence and state-building” period centered on the principle of “Taiwan independence is the Party’s platform”. The second stage was the “pragmatic transformation” period based on the “resolution on Taiwan’s future”. The third stage is the “new form of Taiwan independence” period characterized by the notion that “the current status quo already constitutes Taiwan independence.” Throughout this process, the DPP has persistently advanced the systematic integration of the “Taiwan independence” ideology within Taiwanese society, gradually embedding “Taiwan independence identity” into education, culture, and all sectors of society. This process exhibits characteristics of pragmatism, covertness, and confrontational tendencies. Currently, the Lai Ching-te administration is primarily working through three dimensions: policy, discourse, and cognition, to consolidate the political logic of “the status quo as Taiwan independence”, attempting to confer “legitimacy” upon what it frames as a “separatist status quo”. In the future, its “Taiwan independence” discourse may further deepen and evolve in areas such as cross-strait relations, public opinion shaping, and the reconstruction of legal and political narratives.

The construction of the current market for data elements has entered the “deep-water zone” of reform. However, significant obstacles remain in transforming data elements from a resource into an asset and further into capital. The current data governance system is constrained by the static logic of rights confirmation rooted in traditional private law, leading to deep-seated structural barriers in practice, such as the “trap of rights definition”, the malfunctioning of circulation pricing mechanisms, and the polarization of benefit distribution. Integrating practices such as the inclusion of data assets in financial statements with the relevant laws and regulations governing the authorized operation of public data, an in-depth analysis of the practical bottlenecks hindering the release of data value should transcend the legislative myth of precise individual rights confirmation. Instead, it should shift towards a regulatory paradigm centered on “large-scale utilization”. By establishing a data revenue distribution mechanism oriented toward equitable allocation, the inertia in the supply of public data can be overcome, enabling the universal sharing of the value derived from data elements. The theoretical contributions of this study lie in proposing that the focus of legal regulation should shift from static ownership confirmation to dynamic large-scale utilization; that a transformation in the understanding of data governance paradigm is key to unlocking data value; and that mechanisms for data revenue distribution should be introduced into the governance framework.

Urban renewal encompasses not only the transformation and governance of the physical entity and spatial form of cities, but also the reconstruction and innovation of economic and social structures and spiritual and cultural life. Due to varying social contexts and developmental stages, urban renewal in different countries exhibits marked variations in policy formulation, institutional arrangements, and pathway designs. Defining urban renewal as a living organism can both addresses the contradictions inherent in the Western “dichotomy” approach to urban renewal and help strengthen and enrich the cultural foundations and philosophical dimensions of urban renewal in Chinese traditions. “Material renewal” and “humanistic renewal” are not diametrically opposed; each possesses its own historical rationality, and together they form an interactive and symbiotic organic relationship. In response to higher demands for improving the quality of urbanization and urban living standards, China’s urban renewal has undergone a transition from “material renewal” to “humanistic renewal”. Future endeavors must prioritize the enrichment of cultural connotations and economic functions, which requires not only a deeper integration of spatial governance with cultural urban development but also the cultivation of valuable spatial resources into vibrant hubs for entrepreneurship and shared prosperity, thereby promoting harmony between the productive and service functions of cities, as well as between material renewal and humanistic renewal.

The regulation of artificial intelligence (AI) is not merely a technical legislative issue. The attributes and influencing factors of AI law, along with the design of its institutional and regulatory frameworks, constitute the core challenges in AI legislation. Within academic circles, debates on AI legislation have coalesced around three distinct schools of thought: the “unificationists”, the “gradualists”, and the “moderates”. AI legislation should seek the linkage point between real-life practices and rule design. Under the legal 3.0 technocratic philosophy, it should reflect on the phenomenon of “enactment then obsolescence” in AI legislation and consider the limits of transitioning from rights to regulation, taking into account technological and judicial impacts. Against the backdrop where risk and its assessment form the foundation of AI regulation, meaningless formal debates should be avoided. Instead, substantial issues in AI legislation should be examined from perspectives such as the design and application scope of precautionary principles, the development of controlled innovation infrastructure and deliberative procedures, and the construction of regulatory space.

Accelerating agricultural and rural modernization is of great significance for steadily advancing the construction of a modernized nation, as it profoundly shapes both the overall trajectory and the quality of Chinese modernization. This paper systematically elaborates the internal logic and implementation pathways for accelerating agricultural and rural modernization in China during the “15th Five-Year Plan” period and a longer subsequent timeframe. It emphasizes that Marxist political economy and related economic theories, providing essential theoretical resources for advancing agricultural and rural development in China; that the significant achievements and the regularities gained in this field since the founding of the People’s Republic of China constitute the historical logic for accelerating agricultural and rural modernization; and that, against the backdrop of the convergence of the “two overall situations”, China’s strategic goals, development environment, changes in the principal social contradictions, and shifts in the structure of residents’ needs together provide the practical logic for accelerating agricultural and rural modernization. On the new journey of development, in accelerating agricultural and rural modernization, China must adhere to a practice-oriented, development-oriented, and problem-oriented approach, and across multiple dimensions, including factor mobility, technological progress, organizational innovation, industrial integration, spatial reconstruction, and institutional improvement, thereby establishing an effective implementation pathway for agricultural and rural modernization.

Political parties are one of the key actors in the governance of multiethnic countries. The paradox of competition, cooperation and governance inherent in Western competitive party systems have led party politics in Western multiethnic countries to display characteristics such as the ethnicization of political parties, centrifugal political competition, and fragmented governance. In multiethnic countries, if political party systems fail to effectively regulate the political participation of various ethnic groups and integrate their diverse interests and demands, diversities in language, religion, and ethnicity may mutually strengthen the political ecosystem of multiparty competition, transforming the political competition originally based on public policy into one based on voter identity, thereby weakening the autonomy of political parties. Under such conditions, it is difficult for political parties to reach a universal consensus on ethnic policies and tend to become increasingly polarized, which undermines social cohesion. Moreover, parties may fail to provide effective institutional tools to enhance the efficiency of national governance and may instead exacerbate the risk of national disintegration. Faced with predicaments in party governance, political integration, and community building, a pressing challenge for Western multiethnic countries is how to shift the focus of party competition from particularistic interests to public policy and national development, and how to transform party politics into a platform for reaching communicative consensus among different groups.

The rapid development of artificial intelligence (AI) technologies has brought new opportunities for social governance while simultaneously introducing new uncertainties, primarily reflected in two major aspects: the improvement of governance efficiency and the challenge of value alignment. Through comparative analysis, it is found that the current integration of AI into social governance exhibits a tendency characterized by “four excesses and four deficiencies”: excessive focus on efficiency but insufficient assessment of effectiveness; excessive expansion in the “quantity” of data but limited improvement in its “quality”; excessive emphasis on digital marketization but insufficient attention to technological ethics; and excessive concentration on administrative application scenarios but insufficient emphasis on a people-centered orientation. The negative spillover effects of these tendencies have gradually emerged, making it imperative to correct them through the concept of AI for good. From the perspective of the operational principles of AI, the constructive path toward AI for good involves strengthening the efficient supply of algorithms, computing power, and data. This approach can promote value alignment between AI and social governance while effectively improving governance performance. Regarding the specific pathways for enhancing social governance efficiency, human-machine collaboration presents a vision for creating a new digital ecosystem of social governance.

The deep integration of the digital and real economies plays an irreplaceable and critical role in the development of new quality productive forces. Based on the theoretical foundations of deep integration of the digital and real economies and the conceptual support of productivity theory, this paper constructs an “element-structure-function” framework to explore the mechanism through which such integration promotes the development of new quality productive forces, and analyzes how this integration can be realized to facilitate their growth. Specifically, from the element dimension, deep integration of the digital and real economies fosters a new qualitative labor forces with digital intelligence as a core competency, creates new intermediary means of labor with intelligent algorithms as the primary production tools, and generates new material labor objects with data resources serving as key production factors, thereby providing a new form for the innovative allocation of production factors. From the structural dimension, this deep integration accelerates industrial intelligent upgrading through digital transformation, promotes industrial green transformation via the application of green technological innovations, and facilitates the integrated development of industries through the open sharing of data, injecting new momentum into the construction of a modern industrial system. From the functional dimension, deep integration supports the creation of an efficient and collaborative digital supply chain, the improvement of market-oriented allocation mechanisms for data elements, and the enhancement of a new digital infrastructure system, thus forging a new engine for high-quality economic development. Together, these three dimensions constitute the core support for fostering new quality productive forces. Meanwhile, to ensure that the deep integration of the digital and real economies effectively promotes the development of new quality productive forces, it is necessary to leverage the multiplier effect of data elements to consolidate the foundation for new quality productive forces, promote the coordinated development of digital industrialization and industrial digitalization to strengthen their supporting carriers, and fully implement the new development philosophy to reinforce the functional orientation of new quality productive forces.

At this critical moment in the cause of national reunification and national rejuvenation, it is necessary to determine what political stance one should take and on which side of history one should stand. This is both a historical responsibility that demands serious consideration and a practical proposition that requires an answer with concrete actions. Regarding the question of “how to stand on the right side of history”, this paper argues that only by upholding the struggle for national reunification can one stand on the right side of history; only by unremittingly building the “a community of a shared future across the Taiwan Strait” can one stand on the right side of history; and only through concrete efforts toward national reunification can one truly stand on the right side of history. It is essential to clearly analyze and appropriately address the different political tendencies within Taiwan, to correctly understand the “blue camp” and the “green camp”, to properly distinguish between “Taiwan consciousness” and “Taiwan independence consciousness,” to appropriately apply both “interest-oriented” and “value-oriented” approaches, to accurately position “reliance on strength” and “unity of strength”, to correctly interpret “peaceful reunification” and “reunification by force”, and to build the broadest possible patriotic united front against “independence” and in favor of reunification in Taiwan. Extraordinary courage and wisdom are required, along with concrete actions to advance the cause of national reunification. National reunification will not come automatically; it demands a sense of urgency and a spirit of determination. It must be understood that achieving reunification entails sacrifice, and only through active effort can a meaningful position be secured in this process.