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16 July 2026, Volume 222 Issue 4
    

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  • RAN Xiaoyi
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2026, 222(4): 1-18. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2026.04.001
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    The core of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s original contribution to the united front thought of the Communist Party of China (CPC) lies in his completion of a profound methodological revolution, elevating the united front, under new historical conditions, into a “strategic methodology” embedded within the Chinese modernization and the national governance system. This methodological revolution unfolds along three principal dimensions. In terms of philosophical foundation, it reestablishes the logical point of departure for united front through the proposition that “winning the people’s hearts is the paramount politics”, thereby establishing a new paradigm of “politics of people’s heart” and achieving a profound shift from “politics of power” to “politics of people’s heart”. In terms of practical approach, it constructs two methodological pillars—the “principle of concentric circles” and the “dialectics of cold and hot”. The former provides the fundamental guideline for properly balancing unity and diversity, while the latter establishes a dialectical framework for understanding the laws governing united front work. Although these two pillars emerged at different times, together they demonstrate the evolution of united front practice from an experience-based mode to theoretical self-consciousness. In terms of ultimate value orientation, it advances the united front from an “important magic weapon” to a “powerful magic weapon”, transforming it into a core constitutive element of national governance and national rejuvenation, and thereby achieving the organic unity between instrumental mechanisms and intrinsic values. These three dimensions are logically progressive and mutually reinforcing: The “politics of people’s heart” establishes the fundamental direction, while the two methodological pillars provide the operational pathways, and the concept of the “powerful magic weapon” clarifies the strategic position. The underlying logic of this methodological revolution both inherits the intellectual wisdom of its predecessors and is rooted in Xi Jinping’s long-term practical explorations, from Liangjiahe Village to Fujian, Zhejiang, and Shanghai, achieving the intrinsic integration of the “soul” of Marxism with the “root” of outstanding traditional Chinese culture.
  • ZHENG Jianghuai
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2026, 222(4): 20-44. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2026.04.020
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    China’s resident population urbanization rate is projected to exceed the 70% threshold during the 15th Five-Year Plan period, officially entering the middle-to-late stage where quality improvement rather than quantitative expansion becomes the primary objective. The traditional urbanization model, which relies on spatial agglomeration of population, is become increasingly unsustainable. Using panel data on patents, population, and economic indicators for 293 prefecture-level and above cities across China from 2008 to 2024, this paper systematically identifies six stylized facts concerning the co-evolution of technological proximity and urbanization, develops a two-stage spatial equilibrium framework of urbanization and reveals the transmission mechanisms and heterogeneous characteristics through which technological proximity reshapes China’s urban system. The findings indicate that technological endowment maintains a stable and positive long-term correlation with urbanization level; intercity technological proximity exhibits a flying geese pattern of gradient distribution; technology transfer diffuses unidirectionally along technologically compatible pathways, while within urban agglomerations, a three-tier division of labor has emerged, comprising frontier research and development, technology absorption, and industrial support; and high-tech manufacturing has become the key carrier driving inter-city technological linkages. Driven by the triple conditions of the arrival of the Lewis turning point, rising urban congestion costs, and innovation-led growth, the urbanization model characterized by population agglomeration during the industrialization phase is transitioning toward a new equilibrium of talent-matching urbanization in the innovation-driven stage. Technological proximity drives the transformation of the urban system through three mechanisms, namely knowledge spillovers, talent sorting, and urban network restructuring, with its effects varying significantly across city size, regional location, industry type, and the nature of technological linkages. This paper formalizes the policy directives from the Central Urban Work Conference in 2025 on urban development transformation into normative economic propositions, and demonstrates that technological proximity has progressively replaced geographical proximity as the dominant force shaping urban systems. The findings offer a new theoretical perspective for understanding urbanization beyond the 70% threshold and provide academic support for optimizing spatial layout of cities and advancing people-centered model of new urbanization.
  • DENG Zhituan
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2026, 222(4): 45-59. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2026.04.045
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    The modern people’s city constitutes a key vehicle for Chinese modernization, and its construction bears directly on the overall landscape of national governance modernization. In terms of generative logic, the rise of the modern people’s city is the inevitable outcome of multiple epochal transitions. It reflects the inherent requirement for China’s urbanization to shift from an emphasis on the speed and scale of expansion toward improvements in quality and efficiency. It is also a practical response to the transition in people’s needs from basic subsistence and security to development and fulfillment. Moreover, it represents a necessary choice for China to transcend the established urban development paradigms of the West and to forge a new path of its own. As a landmark achievement in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxist urban theory, the theory of the modern people’s city takes people-centeredness as its core value orientation and has developed into a systematic theoretical framework encompassing development pathways, objective systems, practical instruments, and governance guarantees, thereby demonstrating its distinctive contemporary significance. Looking ahead, in the face of a complex landscape shaped by technological iteration, industrial restructuring, demographic shifts, ecological constraints, and reshaping of the global order, the key to advancing the construction of the modern people’s city lies in adhering unwaveringly to the people-centered fundamental principle. Only by maintaining strategic clarity and practical self-awareness amid multiple developmental contradictions, and by responding precisely to the aspirations of the people, can steady progress be made in urban development and sustained momentum be injected into Chinese modernization.
  • WEI Chenglin
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2026, 222(4): 60-74. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2026.04.060
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    Since the reform and opening-up, China’s urbanization has accelerated significantly, making cities the principal spaces for residents’ daily life, employment, and development. The attributes of a city are largely shaped to a considerable extent by its governing actors and their primary objectives. Historical experience indicates that governments are not the sole dominant forces governing cities, nor has serving the public always been the predetermined central objective of all governance actors. The “People’s City” concept proposed by the Party Central Committee has clarified the fundamental principle of whom urban development relies on and whom it serves, thereby providing a clear direction for urban governance in China. China’s urban public space governance has undergone an evolutionary trajectory from conflict and disorder to collaborative governance, exhibiting a logic of institutional change characterized by a shift from economic orientation to service orientation. Among these developments, the mechanism of government-society co-construction and co-governance serves as a key pillar for realizing the vision of a better life for the people. In the era of intelligence, the construction and governance of the people’s city must pay close attention to emerging issues such as digital labor, algorithmic governance, and youth development, and strive to build a more equitable distribution system, a more inclusive social participation mechanism, and a more resilient urban development model.
  • LIU Mingqiu, YAO Shangjian
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2026, 222(4): 75-88. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2026.04.075
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    Since the reform and opening-up, China’s economy has entered a phase of rapid growth, providing a solid foundation for the fulfillment of the Party’s and the nation’s phased objectives. However, the “visibility” of governance performance has gradually become a priority for some local government officials, while tasks essential to the country’s long-term goals have often been neglected. These emphasis on “visibility” tasks has given rise to a cognitive misconception characterized by “short-sighted” views on governance performance. Long-termism is a distinctive strength of the Communist Party of China’s governance approach. Grounded in a dual critique of “visibility-driven” tasks and “short-sighted” governance performance, and oriented toward long-term goals, a comprehensive understanding of the nation’s fundamental conditions and primary tasks, coupled with a focus on long-term performance, has become central to correcting distorted views on governance performance in China’s state governance. Meanwhile, the establishment of long-term national governance tasks is not incompatible with the active advancement of current work. On the contrary, enhancing people’s well-being, steadily developing the economy, and improving governance structures are precisely the essential components of a long-termism strategy.
  • WEN Li, ZHONG Yicheng
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2026, 222(4): 89-106. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2026.04.089
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    Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Party Central Committee, with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, has responded to major global trends and implemented a more proactive strategy of opening up, making systematic arrangements for advancing high-standard opening-up. During the 15th Five-Year Plan period, the strategic layout for high-standard opening-up will place greater emphasis on coordinating the “two overall situations” and demonstrating mutually beneficial cooperation, with further progress achieved through systematic planning and holistic coordination. Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, and overseas Chinese communities possess unique advantages of “relying on the motherland while connecting with the world” in serving high-standard opening-up. Shanghai is endowed with abundant resources in the fields of Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, and overseas Chinese affairs. It has accumulated fundamental experience through practical exploration in leveraging the strengths of the united front to serve high-standard opening-up. However, it also faces prominent challenges, including a mismatch between the talent recruitment and service system and the need of open development, insufficient support from innovation and entrepreneurship ecosystems for open innovation, the lack of an effective open collaborative framework within the broader united front work system, and the general absence of established institutional connections and service mechanisms between relevant government departments and enterprises expanding overseas. From the perspective of serving high-standard opening-up, winning hearts and minds must be taken as the foundation upon which to solidify the political foundation of united front work; focus on tailored approaches to unleash the momentum for opening-up among Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, and overseas Chinese communities; and ensure the optimization of the overall framework to rally a concerted force for open development, thereby exploring innovative pathways for the high-quality development of united front work involving Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, and overseas Chinese communities in the new era.
  • HE Junzhi, GUO Yinan
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2026, 222(4): 107-126. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2026.04.107
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    Movement parties are products of the interlocking between social movements and party politics, and constitutes an important concept for understanding transformations in contemporary Western party politics. Since the 1960s, with the rise of new social movements, movement parties have evolved from peripheral phenomena into significant forces shaping party competition, agenda setting, and democratic governance. Based on a review of existing research, this paper systematically examines the conceptual evolution, theoretical explanations, multidimensional impacts, and future evolutionary trends of movement parties. The findings reveal that from Kitschelt’s concept of the “movement party” to Anria’s notion of the “movement-based party”, scholars have sought to identify key constitutive elements that establish conceptual linkages between political parties and social movements. Movement parties are characterized by loose organizational structures, clear issue orientations, emphasis on grassroots participation, heavy reliance on digital platforms, and leader-driven mobilization. Their rise can be explained from four perspectives: institution, behavior, history, and culture. Movement parties not only impact Western political practice by prompting traditional parties to adjust their policy agendas and mobilization strategies, but also enrich party typologies, promote the integration of party studies and social movement research, and challenge the universal applicability of the “iron law of oligarchy”. In the era of artificial intelligence (AI), generative AI has significantly reduced the mobilization costs of movement parties and amplified their inherent mobilizational advantages, while also introducing risks such as information polarization and algorithmic dependence. This paper argues that, in the era of AI, the evolutionary trajectory of movement parties can no longer be understood through a simple dichotomy between “moving toward institutionalization” and “maintaining movement characteristics”. As the boundaries between movement parties and mainstream traditional parties become increasingly blurred, future research on movement parties should move beyond fixed typological frameworks of party classification and instead adopt the “degree of movement orientation” as a key analytical dimension for understanding organizational transformation in contemporary Western political parties.
  • SHEN Tianyu, GONG Yutao
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2026, 222(4): 127-149. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2026.04.127
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    For a long time, Britain has relied on the Westminster model to maintain a stable political order centered on the alternating rule of two major parties. However, as the electoral foundations of traditional mainstream parties have continued to weaken and emerging political forces have accelerated their rise, the British party system has shown an increasingly clear trend toward fragmentation and centrifugalization. The rise of Reform UK represents a concentrated manifestation of this structural transformation. This paper, taking Reform UK as its research subject and, within the context of comparison with mainstream political parties, conducts a systematic analysis from three dimensions: social foundations, policy positions, and political impacts. The study finds that the rise of Reform UK stems not only from endogenous factors such as domestic governance dilemmas, structural economic pressures, and the intensification of identity politics, but is also influenced by external factors associated with the spread of right-wing populist forces across Europe. In terms of policy practice, Reform UK has continuously exerted pressure on the policy choices of mainstream parties and adjustment to national institutions through organizational development, agenda building, and voter mobilization. Meanwhile, Reform UK faces multiple constraints, including institutional barriers created by the electoral system, its own organizational weaknesses, and insufficient efficiency in converting electoral support into parliamentary representation, making it difficult to achieve a governing breakthrough nationwide in the short term. Examining Reform UK within both the British political system and the broader European far-right political network reveals how an emerging protest-oriented party influences traditional competitive landscape and institutional operation through strategic adaptation and agenda reshaping. This provides a new analytical perspective for understanding the developmental logic of far-right parties in Britain and even Europe and offers empirical reference for assessing their political influence as potential governing parties.
  • XIAO Feng
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2026, 222(4): 150-164. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2026.04.150
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    As artificial intelligence (AI) technologies extend from the digital domain into the physical world, embodied intelligence has emerged as a core driver of the new intelligence revolution. This paradigm shift from “disembodied” to “embodied” AI brought about by this transformation carries profound implications for the realization of artificial general intelligence and the development of intelligent civilization. Intelligent civilization represents a new form of technological civilization following industrial civilization. The rise of embodied intelligence is an inevitable outcome of the evolution of intelligent technologies, and it has generated a new trajectory of “digital-physical integration” of intelligent civilization, as well as an overarching civilizational effect. Across multiple domains, embodied intelligence is actively advancing the construction of intelligent civilization through multiple dimensions such as the revolution of productive forces, the liberation of creativity, and the restructuring of social relations. At the same time, it has introduced new risks of alienation in the socio-humanistic sphere and posed and new challenges for social governance. Addressing these challenges requires balancing the advancement and safety of embodied intelligence and moving toward a new era of human-centered intelligent civilization.
  • LIU Hongbo, LIU Yusi
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2026, 222(4): 165-183. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2026.04.165
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    Government-citizen digital interaction platforms provide innovative channels for citizens to participate in public affairs. However, the multidimensional administrative burdens encountered by citizens in digital interaction contexts, including learning, compliance, and psychological burdens, significantly constrain the breadth, depth, and effectiveness of digital participation. From a government-citizen interaction perspective, this paper empirically examines data from the government-citizen digital interaction platform in City G to investigate the relationship between administrative burden and citizens’ digital participation, as well as the underlying mechanisms. The findings reveal that in the process of government-citizen digital interaction, learning costs, compliance costs, and psychological costs all have significant negative effects on citizens’ digital participation, with compliance costs demonstrating the strongest direct inhibitory effect. Psychological costs play a partial mediating role in the inhibitory effects of learning costs and compliance costs on citizens’ digital participation. The professional status in government agencies or public institutions strengthens the inhibitory effect of administrative burden on citizens’ digital participation. To reduce citizens’ perceived administrative burden and enhance the efficacy of digital participation, it is essential to emphasize user-friendly design to lower participation barriers, streamlining procedures to reduce procedural burdens, and improving government responsiveness to alleviate citizens’ psychological anxiety.
  • ZHANG Weijun, JIANG Rui
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2026, 222(4): 184-204. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2026.04.184
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    China’s global governance initiative represents a response to the questions of the times, the world, and humanity amid the profound transformations unseen in a century, and it embodies clearly defined objectives. The initiatives upholds a value orientation centered on the world, humanity, morality, and concrete action. By developing Chinese theories of global governance, the initiative aims to fill the theoretical deficit, stimulate innovative vitality, and provide evaluative tools for assessing global governance. In practice, the initiative pursues the goals of rationalizing governance structures, equalizing governance institutions, democratizing governance processes, and enhancing the effectiveness of governance actions. The five core concepts of China’s global governance initiative constitute a complete logical chain for advancing global governance, clarifying its themes, norms, platforms, objectives, and principles. The transformation of the initiative from conceptual vision into practical reality faces a series of challenges while also benefiting from favorable conditions. Advancing the implementation of China’s global governance initiative requires enhancing international recognition of the initiative, improving its supporting systems, upgrading implementation capacity, and optimizing strategic approaches. Through promoting global good governance, the initiative seeks to provide a sound governance foundation for building a community with a shared future for mankind.
  • HUANG Zhongjun, TIAN Yanchao
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2026, 222(4): 205-220. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2026.04.205
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    The cultural memory and identity construction of the youth across the Taiwan Strait constitute a profound issue involving national identity, political identity, ethnic identity, and cultural identity. However, against the backdrop of political obstruction by the Taiwan authorities and shifts in the aesthetic preferences of the youth on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, traditional channels for communication with Taiwan have encountered challenges such as restricted access and weakened cultural identification with the motherland among Taiwan youth. Meanwhile, short videos, characterized by their accessibility, high interactivity, and strong emotional resonance, have gradually become an important medium through which Taiwan youth perceive mainland culture. Through mechanisms such as influencer endorsements, meme-based dissemination, and interest-based community formation, short videos employ embodied communication, everyday narratives, and depoliticized communication strategies to create a “smooth” space for cultural perception. These strategies break down stereotypical perceptions of the mainland among Taiwan youth and play an important role in strengthening cross-strait consensus, generating emotional resonance, and revitalizing cultural memory. Nevertheless, factors such as the infiltration of commercial logic, algorithmic filtering mechanisms, and interference from external political factors also affect their communication effectiveness. Therefore, collaborative efforts among multiple parties are needed to establish a more open and inclusive mechanism for cross-strait exchange and to further promote the formation of a deeper sense of ethnic and national identity.