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16 June 2025, Volume 216 Issue 4
    

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  • SHEN Guiping, LI Junlong
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2025, 216(4): 1-12. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2025.04.001
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    The Chinese national community, as a state-level ethnic entity, embodies the “unity among people of all ethnic groups”. In the new era, the continuous advancement of the construction of the Chinese national community must inevitably manifest this “unity among people of all ethnic groups”, which entails not only the ongoing promotion of the development and progress of the Chinese nation but also the continuous strengthening of its unity and solidarity. To build the Chinese national community with a “people-centered” approach, it is essential to rally the collective efforts under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, fully activate the subjective consciousness of the people of all ethnic groups, and promote the joint participation of the people of all ethnic groups in the construction of the Chinese national community. Economically, this means achieving common prosperity for all, ensuring shared development benefits. Culturally, it involves fostering a shared spiritual homeland for all ethnic groups, consolidating a collective historical and cultural memory. Socially, it requires promoting co-residence, co-learning, co-working, and co-celebration among all ethnic groups, deepening the relationship of a community with a shared future in which “you are in me, I am in you, and none can thrive without the other”, thereby making the Chinese national community unbreakable.
  • LIU Qian, XU Shiyu
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2025, 216(4): 13-31. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2025.04.013
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    Since the end of the Cold War, promoting its national strategy by constructing and reinforcing a self-dominated “asymmetric” alliance system became the key component of the U.S. alliance policy. Against the backdrop of comprehensive strategic competition between China and the U.S., Washington has revitalized its alliance with Manila in an attempt to promote the strategy of “using the Philippines to contain China”. The Marcos Jr. administration in the Philippines, motivated by external considerations of “following the U.S. for profit” and internal considerations of “relying on the U.S. for domestic stability”, has participated in the U.S. strategy of “using the Philippines to contain China”. In recent years, new trends have emerged in the execution of this strategy, namely, the formation of the “U.S.-Philippines-plus” mini-multilateral mechanism targeting China, flexible intervention in relevant legal norms concerning South China Sea issues, and an elevation of the level of security cooperation alongside intensified military collaboration in the South China Sea. In response, China needs to assess and counter the U.S. strategy of “using the Philippines to contain China”. From China's own perspective, it is essential to prioritize building its own security capabilities and steadfastly safeguard its core national interests. From the perspective of China-U.S. relations, efforts should focus on strengthening the construction of China-U.S. crisis management mechanisms and exploring new pathways to overcome political differences through economic cooperation. From the perspective of China's relations with ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), China should continue to deepen multilateral cooperation mechanisms with ASEAN, leverage ASEAN's internal mechanisms to restrain the Philippines' tendency to “stir regional tensions with external support”, and actively promote the new practice of Asian security model.
  • SUN Zhiwe
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2025, 216(4): 32-44. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2025.04.032
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    The development of China-ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) stands as a model of cooperation in building a community with a shared future in the neighborhood. The two sides have achieved remarkable success in cooperation across various fields, including economic development, social progress, and regional stability, exemplifying China's diplomacy of good-neighborliness and friendship, providing a benchmark for enhancing partnership and promoting regional development in Asia and the world. To build a China-ASEAN community with a shared future in the neighborhood, it is essential to review their bilateral development. China and ASEAN have enhanced strategic mutual trust through regional consensus of mutual consultation and understanding, deepened traditional friendship with a spirit of solidarity and cooperation, consolidated institutional foundations through mutually beneficial and win-win cooperation, and outlined development directions with the Oriental wisdom of seeking common ground while reserving differences. These measures have not only promoted regional stability but also cultivated a sense of shared future and regional awareness of mutual benefit and prosperity between China and ASEAN. Building such a community with a shared future in the neighborhood is of great significance to China's overall opening-up and cooperation, and has become a top priority for China's foreign cooperation. Further deepening the understanding of the relationship between China and ASEAN also provides a useful attempt to practice and enrich the concept of a community with a shared future in the neighborhood.
  • QI Weiping, LIU Qingying
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2025, 216(4): 45-56. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2025.04.045
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    The 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) has profoundly elaborated on the theory of Chinese modernization, yielding significant innovative achievements. Promoting Chinese modernization is a great initiative of the Party to unite and lead the Chinese people in upholding independence and autonomy, which constitutes the fundamental key to the success of Chinese modernization. The intrinsic relationship between Chinese modernization and independence and autonomy embodies the theoretical logic of integrating the fundamental principles of Marxism with China's specific realities and its excellent traditional culture. Upholding independence and autonomy has permeated through the entire historical practice of the CPC, and remains a crucial instrument for ensuring the vitality of the Party's foundation. Expanding the scope and depth of Chinese modernization presents new requirements for upholding independence and autonomy, further demonstrating the characteristics of Chinese modernization with a large population size, common prosperity for all people, the coordinated development of material and spiritual civilizations, harmonious coexistence between humanity and nature, and the pursuit of a pathway of peaceful development. To follow the essential requirements of Chinese modernization, it is imperative to always uphold independence and autonomy.
  • DAI Jie
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2025, 216(4): 57-72. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2025.04.057
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    The structural transformation of the information society has significantly altered the forms of social solidarity. In the information society, the social structure is becoming more flattened, social interactions more mobile, and social relationships more networked, posing challenges to traditional modes. Specifically, these challenges manifest in three key dimensions: the dilemmas of social shared knowledge caused by the fragmentation of specialized expertise, the digital divide in information access, and the echo-chamber effect in information selection; the dilemmas of social consensus arising from the dissolution of traditional collective consciousness, the fragmentation of interest identification, and the coexistence of diverse values; the lack of empathy due to “physical absence”, the indifference to empathy due to “not being there in person”, and the social empathy dilemmas caused by rapid shift of focus and emotional compartmentalization. Under such circumstances, the united front, as a vital mechanism for solidarity in the information society, should actively fulfill its role in extensively connecting individuals, social groups, social organizations, and social strata, but also vigorously innovate in construction platforms and methods and pathways, strive to broaden social awareness, actively promote social consensus, and make every effort to cohesively build up the social empathy, so as to realize profound social solidarity and integration on a comprehensive scale on the basis of such a mechanism.
  • LIU Wei, CHENG Hongyu
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2025, 216(4): 73-83. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2025.04.073
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    Religion, as an existence intrinsically intertwined with culture, must be guided to align with socialist development. Advancing its Sinicization is an indispensable and crucial component in building a modern civilization of the Chinese nation. The “second integration” is not only the summary of the relationship of Communist Party of China between Marxism and excellent Chinese traditional culture, but also an inevitable pathway to promote the Sinicization of religions in China and to build Chinese modernization that coordinates material civilization and spiritual civilization. From the perspective of the “two integrations”, exploring the Sinicization of religion in China through the three dimensions of historical logic, theoretical logic, and practical logic not only helps forge a strong sense of the Chinese national community but also holds practical significance for understanding the relationship between religion and culture, developing the Marxist view of religion, and further advancing Chinese modernization.
  • GONG Shaoqing, LI Chenghong
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2025, 216(4): 84-97. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2025.04.084
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    Promoting in-depth research on the united front theory through holistic and comprehensive concepts is a crucial task for united front studies in the new era, and the proposal of the soft power of united front represents such an attempt. The soft power of united front is a key component of the soft power of the Communist Party of China within the Chinese context, representing the attraction generated through the practice of the united front. The soft power of united front primarily includes the cultural power of the united front, the institutional soft power of the united front, and the policy soft power of the united front. It has the important functions of enhancing social solidarity, strengthening political trust, and elevating the image of the Party and the government. The soft power of the united front, as an overarching concept, carries its own problem awareness and provides new perspectives and resources for advancing discourse innovation and practical exploration of the united front.
  • SU Zhiliang, SONG Weizhi
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2025, 216(4): 98-111. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2025.04.098
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    The victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression marked a pivotal turning point for the Chinese nation from decline to prosperity, and the starting point for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. China's anti-Japanese battlefield was the main Eastern theater in the World Anti-Fascist War, and China's resistance war made remarkable contributions to the victory of the World Anti-Fascist War. In this life-and-death struggle for survival, the Chinese military and civilians united as one, fought courageously, and achieved victory at tremendous national sacrifices, thereby establishing China's status as a major power in the postwar era. Meanwhile, China assisted in the founding of the United Nations, helped rebuild the postwar international order, safeguarded the rights and interests of weak nations, and earned the respect of countries worldwide. The victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression reshaped the spirit of struggle and resistance of the Chinese nation, forged the new leading force of the nation, and reinforced its backbone. In this process, modern China completed its transformation from “decline” to “ascendancy”, heralding the beginning of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
  • GUO Hui, XUE Xiangteng
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2025, 216(4): 112-126. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2025.04.112
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    Memoirs often exhibit distinct writing characteristics shaped by the era in which they were written. In the early years of New China (People's Republic of China), driven by the practical needs of consolidating the nascent regime and shaping the image of revolutionary leaders, recollections of the victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression often framed it as an integral part of the leadership of Communist Party of China in the revolution towards victory. As a result, memories of the war in these memoirs carried a revolutionary narrative. After the reform and opening-up, with the changes of the situation at home and abroad, the narratives of the victory in the War of Resistance in wartime memoirs began to break free from the revolutionary framework and gradually returned to a more rational approach, with the dual characteristics of both the Party and national narratives. By the new century, the genre of memoirs of the War of Resistance has further diversified, with writing perspectives continuously shifting toward ordinary individuals and narratives becoming increasingly varied. Moreover, the political overtones of memories of the victory in the War of Resistance have gradually faded, with increasing emphasis on the details of the victory of the War of Resistance, and the memories of the victory of the War of Resistance have increasingly highlighted the people-centered nature. Memoirs are an important form of presenting memories. After the founding of New China, the writing content and characteristics of memoirs about the memory of the victory in the War of Resistance not only show their production pathways but also reflect the characteristics of the times.
  • XU Tao, SONG Jing
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2025, 216(4): 127-145. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2025.04.127
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    Robert Short, an American pilot, holds a unique historical position as the first foreign martyr who died for China during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. His heroic death not only generated widespread attention domestically and internationally but also became a significant case study illustrating China's role as the main Eastern battlefield in the Global War against Fascism. Drawing on the theories of the New Cultural History, this paper organizes analysis around three central themes—“Grand Public Funeral,” “Production of Space,” and “Commemoration”—within a broader framework of the“United Front”. It systematically examines Short's martyrdom during the January 28th Incident (Battle of Shanghai) in 1932, delves deeply into the national commemoration he received in China, and explores their underlying political symbolism and social significance. The study shows that despite variations in form—ranging from crowded public funerals, elaborately carved monuments to annual commemorative rituals—all serve as cultural products shaped by political and social forces. As long as the realistic needs remains, the reconstruction of collective memories and the reproduction of symbolic space will persist. Short practiced humanitarianism with his life, and his sacrifice has not only been firmly embedded in China's national memories but also become an indispensable transnational symbol within the broader history of the Chinese People's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression.
  • YUE Ying
    Journal of Shanghai Institute of Socialism. 2025, 216(4): 146-159. https://doi.org/10.3969/J.ISSN.1672-0911.2025.04.146
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    Against the complex historical backdrop from the failure of the Great Revolution to the eve of the full-scale War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the cultural work of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in the White Areas (Kuomintang-controlled areas) underwent a transformation from scattered practices to organized and systematic work. The establishment of the Central Cultural Committee of the CPC epitomized this transformation. By leading left-wing cultural organizations such as the League of Left-Wing Writers and the General League of Left-Wing Cultural Circles, it effectively consolidated forces from the literary and intellectual circles, closely combined cultural work with the Party's revolutionary strategy, promoted the vigorous development of the left-wing cultural movement, and laid the foundation for the establishment of national united front against Japanese aggression. The practice of the Central Cultural Committee of the CPC not only highlighted the Party's high regard for cultural work but also accumulated invaluable experience for cultural development during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the New Democratic Revolution, profoundly reflecting the Party's early exploration and practice in the construction of cultural leadership.